The Times Herald (Norristown, PA)

The only thing saving us from vindictive­ness is incompeten­ce

- Catherine Rampell Columnist

Deregulati­on always, promises President Trump. Unless of course it comes to his political enemies.

Furious that Twitter deigned to fact-check him, Trump has threatened “big action” against the company, including through an executive order signed Thursday. He accused social media platforms of silencing conservati­ves and vowed to “strongly regulate, or close them down, before we can ever allow this to happen.”

Constituti­onal scholars point out that shuttering a private firm for producing speech the president dislikes would violate the First Amendment. Notably, it also contradict­s a core plank of his economic agenda: reducing burdensome government interventi­ons and regulation­s.

White House aides love to brag that Trump’s regulatory rollbacks have unshackled entreprene­urs and boosted the economy. They’re always a little vague on details, alas; they have yet to explain how allowing power plants to dump more arsenic into the water supply or legalizing a pesticide that gives children brain damage (yes, these are real Trump administra­tion rules) is likely to turbocharg­e economic growth.

That’s because the pretense was nonsense from the start. Trump’s regulatory agenda was never about helping the economy; it was always about rewarding friends and punishing enemies. White House officials have weaponized the “administra­tive state” they claim to hate and have repeatedly tried to strangle disfavored groups with regulation­s and red tape.

Elsewhere, both federal and state officials have ratcheted up bureaucrat­ic hurdles for the poor, as Georgetown University professors

Email:

Phone: Pamela Herd and Donald P. Moynihan have documented.

Right now, for example, states can decide a poor family is automatica­lly eligible for food assistance if the family is enrolled in other means-tested safetynet programs. The Trump administra­tion is trying to block states from doing this and require more paperwork to prove eligibilit­y.

The administra­tion, of course, argues that its regulatory decisions are determined not by Trump’s political whims but by meticulous analysis of what’s best for the economy. To get the numbers to work out in its favor, the administra­tion has had to cook the books.

Consider the rollback of fueleffici­ency standards finalized in March. (Hey, no time like a respirator­y pandemic to relax air pollution standards.) Some of the largest automakers opposed the rollback. For this perceived betrayal, the Trump administra­tion retaliated with a different weaponizat­ion of the administra­tive state: a bogus antitrust investigat­ion.

In the meantime, administra­tion officials kept calculatin­g — somewhat inconvenie­ntly — that their rule would impose more costs than benefits. So, they tortured the data until it confessed. They fiddled with the numbers and determined that under certain unrealisti­c assumption­s, the rule kinda sorta might offer net economic benefits.

This was hardly a one-off. Agency after agency hasconcoct­ed accounting gimmicks that would make an Enron executive blush. Sometimes the administra­tion hasn’t even bothered to cook the books and has instead issued regulatory changes that even by its own accounting produce net economic costs.

Such was the case for the administra­tion’s Title X “gag rule,” which bars reproducti­ve health clinics that receive federal funds from referring patients to even outside abortion services. Same with a regulation allowing health care profession­als to refuse service to LGBTQ patients in the name of religious freedom.

The only upside to this slapdash math is that it makes the administra­tion’s most damaging and punitive regulatory changes less likely to hold up in court. Already, the Trump administra­tion has lost more than 90% of the legal challenges to its regulatory policies, according to New York University’s Institute for Policy Integrity. By comparison, previous administra­tions lost only about 30% of the time.

“A lot of these losses have been because of the poor quality of the analysis — who’s harmed, who’s helped, by how much,” said Richard Revesz, a law professor who directs the institute.

The only thing that may save us from the administra­tion’s regulatory vindictive­ness is its incompeten­ce.

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