Too many polticians are pro-forced birth, not pro-life

Republican politicians working to overturn Roe v. Wade say they are prolife and anti-abortion. What they are is proforced birth.

GOP-led states are making choices that increase the chances of unplanned pregnancies and, therefore, demand for abortions; their choices also limit access to health care and other critical programs for new moms, endangering the lives and welfare of mothers and their children.

Consider Mississippi. Its law banning abortion after 15 weeks set the stage for the Supreme Court to roll back nearly 50 years of reproductive rights. If the court does overturn Roe, a ban on nearly all abortions would take effect in that state.

Some residents who find themselves with an unplanned and unwanted pregnancy might be able to leave the state to seek an abortion. But others without the means or time to travel will be forced to give birth. And in Mississippi, that is an unusually dangerous undertaking.

The U.S. has the highest maternal death rate in the developed world; Mississippi has one of the higher maternal death rates in the United States. The odds are worse for Black women, whose risk of death related to pregnancy and childbirth are nearly triple those for white women in the state. The state also has the country’s highest infant mortality and child poverty rates. When asked how this squares with his pro-life stance, Gov. Tate Reeves acknowledged the state’s “problems” and said he was committed to devoting more “resources” to make sure expectant and new mothers get the “help that they need from a health-care standpoint.”

That would be welcome news if it were true. But it isn’t.

Mississippi’s legislature recently considered whether to extend Medicaid postpartum coverage from 60 days to a full year after birth, as federal law allows states to do. If you care about the lives of new moms (and their kids), this is a no-brainer. Roughly 6 in 10 births in the state are covered by Medicaid; 86% of the state’s maternal deaths occur postpartum. Pregnancy and delivery raise the risk of many health complications. Giving low-income moms access to health care a full year after birth would save lives.

Mississippi’s Republican leadership rejected the proposal. Not because the state lacks the funds; one thing state pols did manage to get through this session was the state’s largest tax cut.

So what did Reeves mean when he said the state had directed more resources to helping moms get care? He was referring to a tax credit for donations to “crisis pregnancy centers,” places largely devoted to persuading women not to get abortions. These centers have a long track record of spreading false or misleading information. Meanwhile, Mississippi politicians appear to be contemplating measures to ban or reduce access to contraception. So are other red states. Some may ban emergency contraception and intrauterine devices. These bans would increase the likelihood of unwanted pregnancies and demand for abortions, albeit more often across state lines.

Speaking of trigger laws, Mississippi is hardly the only state poised to ban nearly all abortions while refusing to extend postpartum Medicaid coverage.

At the federal level, too, Republican politicians again and again have refused to support programs that would reduce the likelihood of unplanned pregnancies and improve maternal and infant health. They fought the law requiring health insurers to provide no-cost coverage of contraceptives. They likewise continue to block efforts to institute paid parental leave, universal pre-K and an expanded child tax credit that covers the poorest children.

Republicans have been given many opportunities to demonstrate their commitment to promoting the lives and well-being of the most vulnerable mothers, infants and children. They’ve made different choices.