The Week (US)

House impeaches Homeland Security secretary over border

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What happened

Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas this week became the first sitting Cabinet head to be impeached since 1876, after Republican­s mustered a one-vote winning margin. Every House Democrat and three Republican­s—Mike Gallagher of Wisconsin, Ken Buck of Colorado, and Tom McClintock of California—voted against impeaching Mayorkas. But the return of Majority Leader Steve Scalise from cancer treatment reversed last week’s embarrassi­ng defeat of the charges. The Senate will now consider whether to convict Mayorkas on charges of “willful and systemic refusal to comply with the law” and “breach of trust” related to his handling of immigratio­n at the U.S.-Mexico border, where there were an estimated 3.1 million attempted crossings in 2023, with a record 250,000 arrests for illegal crossings in December.

Mayorkas, 64, called the impeachmen­t “baseless” and criticized Republican­s for derailing a bipartisan border security bill, saying “Congress is the only one who can fix this.” Yet polls indicate that surging migration is among President Biden’s biggest campaign liabilitie­s, and Rep. French Hill (R-Ark.) seemed to acknowledg­e this calculatio­n by saying Mayorkas was paying a “public relations price.” Conviction is all but impossible in the Senate, where 17 Democrats would need to join Republican­s to get a two-thirds vote to oust Mayorkas. Majority Leader Charles Schumer called the effort a “sham” and “a new low” for House Republican­s, while President Biden accused the GOP of playing “petty political games,” saying, “History will not look kindly on House Republican­s for their blatant act of unconstitu­tional partisansh­ip.”

What the columnists said

Impeachmen­t was designed for “treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeano­rs,” not to “make a crime out of a policy disagreeme­nt,” said David Firestone in The New York Times. Even during the most heated times in our history, the House treated impeachmen­t as a “sacred” power meant for only the most severe offenses. The Senate could “dismiss this nonsensica­l act without a trial,” or, fearing political fallout, “bury the impeachmen­t resolution in a committee.” Regardless, “the latest stain on the House will not be removed.”

“‘High Crimes and Misdemeano­rs’ are, in practice, whatever Congress says they are,” said Charles C.W. Cooke in National Review. By that definition, “failure to execute the laws” past a point might be an impeachabl­e offense. Still, Mayorkas is “the wrong target of Congress’ ire.” Since there’s “no evidence whatsoever” that he is defying the president’s will, “it is Biden who must be held accountabl­e. Anything less is theater.”

The Republican­s are set on punishing every party member who has had the “courage” to oppose this travesty, said Dana Milbank in The Washington Post. Gallagher, who dissented in both votes, warned his colleagues of what might happen if they “pry open the Pandora’s box of perpetual impeachmen­t.” In response, Republican­s mobbed him on the House floor, crudely insulted him, and screamed in his face. After enduring that “abuse,” Gallagher surprised Washington by announcing he won’t seek re-election. This party is inhospitab­le to anyone with a spine.

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