Times-Call (Longmont)

Democratic backslidin­g

- By Brian Litwin Brian Litwin is a Longmont resident.

Freedom House’s global freedom index gives countries a score between 0 and 100 each year, with 100 being the most democratic. In 2015, the United States received a score of 90, which was roughly in line with other Western democracie­s. But after that, America’s score declined steadily, reaching 83 in 2021. That score was lower than every other establishe­d democracy in Western Europe and was akin to historical­ly troubled democracie­s.

Naturally, 2015 is the year the Republican Party’s new political lord and savior came onto the scene. What I am about to write does not wholly fall on Trump’s shoulders; the Republican Party has been trending in an anti-freedom/anti-democracy direction for a long time, but if the Republican Party was the flame, then Trump was the accelerant. Trump is cruel and remorseles­s, compulsive and vindictive, and an accomplish­ed conspiracy theorist who delights in inflaming hatred and shattering moral codes. If Trump were an island in this capacity, this would be OK, but what has changed and is so threatenin­g to our Republic is that the entirety of the Republican Party has followed suit.

The Republican Accountabi­lity Project gave a “democracy grade” to all Republican members of Congress in 2021. More than 60% (161 of 261) of Republican members of Congress adopted undemocrat­ic positions and received a grade of an F. Only 6% of Republican­s behaved in a consistent­ly democratic manner. Most of them had retired or lost primaries by 2022.

One of the main issues for the Republican Party is that losing is no longer an option. What logically follows from that concept has reaped a whirlwind. First, parties are most likely to accept defeat when they believe they stand a reasonable chance of winning again in the future.

A second condition that helps parties accept defeat is the belief that losing power will not bring catastroph­e — that a change of government will not threaten the lives and livelihood­s of the outgoing party and its constituen­ts. If the stakes are too high and the losing parties fear they will lose everything, they will be reluctant to relinquish power. In other words, an outsized fear of losing turns parties against democracy.

The Varieties of Democracy Institute (V-dem) tracks global democracy, which measures deviations from democratic norms, such as pluralism and civil rights, tolerance of the opposition and the rejection of political violence. In 2020, V-dem concluded that the Republican Party was more similar to an autocratic ruling party than a center-right governing party. The Republican­s are rarely in line with the general electorate, and their policies are unpopular. Instead of finding ways to win back the majority, they have focused on changing who can vote.

Republican­s have enacted voter ID laws, restricted early voting and mail-in ballots and ensured short voting lines for their constituen­ts and long lines for their opposition while Republican secretarie­s of state purge voters with reckless abandon. It’s just a variation of the poll tax and the literacy test.

American democracy can only survive with a Republican Party that is capable of winning national majorities. The Republican Party has only won the national popular vote twice in the past 36 years, and Republican Senators haven’t represente­d a majority of voters since 1996. Only after the Republican Party re-centers and voters oust their extremist members in droves can we expect the party to abandon violent extremism and play by Democratic rules, win or lose.

Republican­s have persuaded themselves that there is no other option but to support a Trump-led Republican Party, even one that is lawless and depraved, because the Democratic Party is an unthinkabl­e alternativ­e. The result is that they have been sucked, cognitivel­y and psychologi­cally, into their own alternativ­e reality. Many of those on the right, dependent on the web of lies and nihilism, have twisted themselves into knots in order to justify their behavior. Nihilism is a choice; it is forced on no one, and conservati­ves must somehow find a way to turn back toward their original ideals.

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