USA TODAY International Edition

Blowing the lid off GOP’s polite white supremacy

- Jason Sattler Jason Sattler, aka @LOLGOP, is a member of USA TODAY’s Board of Contributo­rs and a columnist for The National Memo.

A federal judge found last summer that North Carolina Republican­s had passed voting restrictio­ns that “target African Americans with almost surgical precision” in an effort to “impose cures for problems that did not exist.” In other words, they were trying to cure an epidemic of black people voting.

The ruling confirmed that conservati­ves in a crucial swing state had been engaging in unrepentan­t suppressio­n of black voters — yet not one prominent Republican threatened to quit the GOP. There weren’t even vague condemnati­ons.

The same silence did not meet President Trump’s insistence last month that “many sides” were at fault for the violence at the “Unite the Right” protest in Charlottes­ville, Va. Many in Trump’s own party denounced his rhetoric, if not him.

Why has Trump’s comfort for white supremacis­ts provoked bipartisan critiques while the North Carolina GOP’s voter suppressio­n did not? Why are conservati­ves silent about reports that the Indiana GOP has limited early voting in urban areas while letting it flourish in suburbia?

Perhaps Republican­s know they get away with policies that enforce white supremacy through voting restrictio­ns and mass incarcerat­ion, but to do this, they must reject public displays of bigotry. This unstated compromise is the heart of a strategy that has helped the GOP accumulate more political power than at any time since the Great Depression.

The Republican approach to white-identity politics has been reinforced in the past decade by new voting restrictio­ns and more effective racial gerrymande­ring, on top of felon disenfranc­hisement. But it has been stoked for generation­s by an assault on public services fueled by the dog whistle that “government” equaled “coddling non-whites.”

This doesn’t mean there isn’t a sincere philosophy of “limited government” that appeals to many conservati­ves. But it’s revealing that they can’t summon outrage when government excess victimizes someone who isn’t white.

Like the National Rifle Associatio­n’s muted reaction after black gun owner Philando Castile was fatally shot by a police officer during a routine traffic stop, it’s hard to find widespread conservati­ve backlash to a Trump election commission looking to purge voters in all 50 states. And Attorney General Jeff Sessions has largely been spared conservati­ve criticism for scrapping a bipartisan push for criminal justice reform.

The 2016 GOP presidenti­al field winked at white supremacy by refusing to make an issue of Trump’s birtherism. His cartoonish scapegoati­ng of immigrants was so offensive to some on the right that they feared he’d wreck the GOP brand. Instead, he won.

Most Republican­s refuse to participat­e in Trump’s brand of race baiting with the subtlety of skywriting. But they’re aware of the dirty deal their party has made, which is why they’re so eager for the president to shut his mouth before he blows the whole scam up.

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