USA TODAY International Edition

Abortion cases offer test for justices

Supreme Court may shy away from weighing in

- Richard Wolf

WASHINGTON – Abortion opponents who have waited decades for a reliably conservati­ve Supreme Court are knocking on the building’s bronze doors. But after a historical­ly partisan confirmation fight, the justices might not answer.

Cases challengin­g the timing, methods, funding and providers of abortion are headed inexorably toward the high court at a time when Chief Justice John Roberts and his colleagues are seeking a lower profile.

Before Associate Justice Brett Kavanaugh’s confirmation battle was consumed by an allegation of sexual assault, his position on abortion loomed paramount. Kavanaugh, 53, referred to Supreme Court decisions legalizing and affirming abortion rights in 1973 and 1992 as “precedent on precedent.”

When the assault accusation threatened his eventual 50-48 confirmation, he erupted in a tirade against Senate Democrats and “left-wing opposition groups.” That appearance of partisansh­ip has Roberts and colleagues hoping to avoid issues that could divide the court 5-4 along ideologica­l lines.

“We do not sit on opposite sides of an aisle,” Roberts said this month at the University of Minnesota, quoting from Kavanaugh’s conciliato­ry speech at his White House swearing-in ceremony. “We do not caucus in separate rooms. We do not serve one party or one interest. We serve one nation.”

The combinatio­n of ready-made abortion challenges and the justices’ likely reluctance to hear them has left both sides in the debate wondering what will happen next.

Louisiana and Kansas have asked the court to let them deny Medicaid funds to Planned Parenthood, which could jeopardize preventive care and contracept­ion services for low-income clients. The justices could decide as early as this week whether to hear those cases.

Indiana has asked the justices to reverse a lower court decision blocking the state from outlawing abortions sought because of gender, race or disability. The state also wants to require that fetal remains be buried or cremated. Vice President Mike Pence signed the law when he was governor.

Other cases working their way through federal appeals courts seek to impose requiremen­ts on abortion clinics and providers similar to those the high court struck down in a Texas case two years ago, when Associate Justice Anthony Kennedy held the tiebreakin­g vote. Kavanaugh’s arrival could portend a reversal.

And lurking in lower courts are more restrictiv­e state laws banning abortions after a certain number of weeks, as well as others banning the most common method of second-trimester abortions.

Abortion calculus

The flurry of activity in federal and state courts began before Kennedy’s retirement and Kavanaugh’s confirmation gave the Supreme Court five solidly conservati­ve justices. The question is whether that transition will translate into action or caution.

“That’s the calculus we’re all trying to do,” said Steven Aden, general counsel at Americans United for Life, which opposes abortion rights in courts across the country. Kavanaugh’s presence, he said, “makes the abortion industry cautious.”

Neal Devins, a William & Mary Law School professor who has written on abortion law and politics, predicted the court under Roberts will steer clear of abortion cases for now.

”I think he wants to do everything in his power to have the court look like a court of law and not a political court,” Devins said.

Abortion rights groups would be happy if the chief justice swayed his colleagues in that direction. They have been winning more than losing in state and federal courts, which have struck down efforts by Republican state legislatur­es to limit when and where women can get abortions.

“It is hard to say that the floodgates will be any more open than they already have been,” said Nancy Northup, president of the Center for Reproducti­ve Rights, which is fighting state restrictio­ns in 20 court cases.

Despite those victories, pro-choice groups remain concerned that a split between federal appeals courts could develop that would pressure the Supreme Court to settle those differences in the near future.

“Then it becomes a point of saturation, where the Supreme Court has to take one of these cases,” said Leslie McGorman, deputy policy director for NARAL Pro-Choice America. “If they slow-walk it, what is that? Two years? Five years? Either way, it’s detrimenta­l.”

Stopping short of Roe

“We do not sit on opposite sides of an aisle. We do not caucus in separate rooms.”

Chief Justice John Roberts, quoting from Associate Justice Brett Kavanaugh’s conciliato­ry speech at his White House swearing-in ceremony

The last major case involving abortion procedures was decided in 2007, when the justices upheld a federal law banning “partial birth” abortions. The key vote came from then-new Associate Justice Samuel Alito, whose predecesso­r, Sandra Day O’Connor, had voted to strike down a similar law seven years earlier.

Kavanaugh’s replacemen­t of Kennedy could have the same effect on the court’s 2016 ruling striking down a Texas law that required abortion clinics to meet surgical-center operating standards and doctors to have admitting privileges at nearby hospitals. Similar laws in Louisiana, Missouri and Arkansas are working their way through appeals courts.

Those efforts to restrict abortion don’t extend to overturnin­g Roe v. Wade, the landmark ruling that made abortion legal nationwide in 1973. Many experts believe that decision won’t be overruled with a narrow 5-4 conservati­ve majority on the court.

 ?? TASOS KATOPODIS/GETTY IMAGES ?? Pro-choice and anti-abortion protesters demonstrat­e outside the Supreme Court on July 9 following President Donald Trump’s nomination of Brett Kavanaugh to replace Justice Anthony Kennedy.
TASOS KATOPODIS/GETTY IMAGES Pro-choice and anti-abortion protesters demonstrat­e outside the Supreme Court on July 9 following President Donald Trump’s nomination of Brett Kavanaugh to replace Justice Anthony Kennedy.

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