USA TODAY International Edition

Through the eyes of an ex-white nationalis­t

We can’t hide from the truth: Words have consequenc­es

- R. Derek Black R. Derek Black is a doctoral student in history at the University of Chicago. He is the subject of the recent book “Rising Out of Hatred” by Eli Saslow.

Growing up among the leadership of the white nationalis­t movement, there was a routine every time reports of a new act of mass violence ticked across cable news. We’d hope that the attackers were not white, and, if so, that they did not espouse our ideology. When they often did, the national fallout and blame could last for weeks.

Ultimately, accepting that we were not guiltless when we condemned whole swaths of America, and threw up our hands when a lone wolf took our rhetoric to violent ends, was a major part of what led me to denounce and speak out against the white nationalis­t movement in 2013 at the age of 22.

Today, the president and his followers are in a similar position to mine back then, advocating an anti-immigrant worldview and absolving myself of responsibi­lity for violent acts that used my ideology. All of us must recognize that rhetoric can incite violence.

After each attack, the news media would draw parallels between our calls for immigrants to leave and the same language espoused by the attacker. Each time, we took solace in the fact that any threats of violence or illegal activity were banned from our website. My family condemned the violence and hoped the attacker had never posted on our forum. Often, as President Donald Trump did, we’d condemn the violence and also suggest that the presence of immigrants was the real cause.

“We cannot let those killed in El Paso, Texas, and Dayton, Ohio, die in vain,” Trump tweeted, calling for background checks on gun purchases and “marrying this legislatio­n with desperatel­y needed immigratio­n reform.”

‘Dumping ground’

In July 2011, a white supremacis­t mass murderer killed 77 people in Norway — mostly teenagers — and wrote in his manifesto that Norway had become “a dumping ground for the surplus births of the third world.” We condemned his violence as inhuman and horrendous, but on our radio show we also implied he never would have been driven to this act had immigratio­n been controlled in the first place.

In 2015, I was shocked to hear thencandid­ate Trump mirror the “dumping ground” comments of the killer.

The alleged El Paso shooter said that “at least with Republican­s, the process of mass immigratio­n and citizenshi­p can be greatly reduced.” He repeatedly talked about a “Hispanic invasion” of Texas, mimicking Trump’s frequent claim that “people hate the word invasion, but that’s what it is.”

I was committed to the idea that we were not culpable for violence if we stoked the flames of anti-immigrant ideology and crafted better talking points to advocate for white nationalis­t ideology. Yet, if someone calls for the removal of a vulnerable group from this country, they cannot deny responsibi­lity when someone hears that message and escalates their rhetoric to violence.

We are now two years from the violent white nationalis­t rally in Charlottes­ville, Virginia, which ended in chaos and the death of Heather Heyer.

As the images of public brawling, racist slogans and idle police were projected to the world in August 2017, the question was whether that show of real-world presence would lead to a renaissanc­e of white power. Trump’s comments that there were “fine people” among their ranks marked the high water mark for their legitimacy.

White nationalis­m in disarray

Instead, white nationalis­m as an organized, ideologica­l and political movement is in disarray, the result of collective action directed against it by mass protest, legal challenges and investigat­ions. Public scrutiny has not been higher in decades.

The most prominent websites that facilitate white power communitie­s and organizing have had to hop from one server host and domain registrar to another. Payment processors have refused to allow electronic donations. Subsequent college campus events were met with overwhelmi­ng protest that often prevented them from taking place at all.

One of the largest white nationalis­t organizati­ons is now defunct. Nearly every leader responsibl­e for the Charlottes­ville riot faces legal challenges. As a former organizer, concerted efforts like these were powerful in interferin­g with organizing efforts. They work.

Violence has never been far or entirely separate from the “legitimate” public-facing activities of white nationalis­t activists. This movement’s ideology calls for the removal of entire groups from the American population, and many of its cultural touchstone­s are violent fantasies of revolution.

It is no wonder individual­s have taken that ideology and acted in unspeakabl­e ways.

It should be clear to us that rhetoric vilifying immigrant communitie­s and communitie­s of color is a threat to those already vulnerable people. And yet the administra­tion is willfully turning away from its responsibi­lity to defend all Americans. The president is taking the same position that many white nationalis­ts have: Condemn individual acts of violence, while continuing to attack those threatened communitie­s.

We must be clear that words have consequenc­es, and that the threat is not from immigrant communitie­s but rather they are the ones threatened.

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