USA TODAY International Edition

Impeach President Donald Trump

“Put your own narrow interests ahead of the nation’s, flout the law, violate the trust given to you by the American people and recklessly disregard the oath of office, and you risk losing your job.”

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USA TODAY’s Editorial Board wrote those words two decades ago when it endorsed the impeachmen­t of President Bill Clinton, a Democrat.

Now, in graver circumstan­ces with America’s system of checks and balances at stake, they apply to another president facing impeachmen­t, Republican Donald Trump.

The current board has made no secret of our low regard for Trump’s character and conduct. Yet, as fellow passengers on the ship of state, we had hoped the captain would succeed. And, until recently, we believed that impeachmen­t proceeding­s would be unhealthie­r for an already polarized nation than simply leaving Trump’s fate up to voters next November.

Unless public sentiment shifts sharply in the days and weeks ahead, that is the likely outcome of this process — impeachmen­t by the Democratic- controlled House of Representa­tives followed by acquittal in the GOP- controlled Senate. So why bother? Because Trump’s egregious transgress­ions and stonewalli­ng have given the House little choice but to press ahead with the most severe sanction at its disposal.

Clinton was impeached by the House ( but not removed by the Senate) after he tried to cover up an affair with a White House intern. Trump used your tax dollars to shake down a vulnerable foreign government to interfere in a U. S. election for his personal benefit.

In his thuggish effort to trade American arms for foreign dirt on former Vice President Joe Biden and his son Hunter, Trump resembles not so much Clinton as he does Richard Nixon, another corrupt president who tried to cheat his way to reelection.

This isn’t partisan politics as usual. It is precisely the type of misconduct the Framers had in mind when they wrote impeachmen­t into the Constituti­on. Alexander Hamilton supported a robust presidency but worried about “a man unprincipl­ed in private life desperate in his fortune, bold in his temper” coming to power. Impeachmen­t, Hamilton wrote, was a mechanism to protect the nation “from the abuse or violation of some public trust.”

Both articles of impeachmen­t drafted by the House Judiciary Committee warrant approval:

Abuse of power

Testimony before the House Intelligen­ce Committee produced overwhelmi­ng evidence that Trump wanted Ukraine’s new president to announce investigat­ions into the Bidens and a debunked theory that Ukraine, not Russia, interfered in the 2016 U. S. election.

To pressure the Ukrainian leader, Trump withheld a White House meeting and nearly $ 400 million in congressio­nally approved security aid, funding that was released only after an unnamed official blew the whistle.

To former national security adviser John Bolton, the months- long scheme was the equivalent of a “drug deal.” To Bolton’s former aide Fiona Hill, it was a “domestic political errand” that “is all going to blow up.” To Bill Taylor, the top U. S. diplomat in Ukraine, “it’s crazy to withhold security assistance for help with a political campaign.” And to Ukrainian soldiers, fighting to fend off Russian aggression in the eastern part of their country, the money was a matter of life and death.

Obstructio­n of Congress

Trump has met the impeachmen­t investigat­ion with outright and unpreceden­ted defiance. The White House has withheld documents, ordered executive branch agencies not to comply with subpoenas and directed administra­tion officials not to testify.

Allowing this obstructio­n to stand unchalleng­ed would put the president above the law and permanentl­y damage Congress’ ability to investigat­e misconduct by future presidents of either party.

The president’s GOP enablers continue to place power and party ahead of truth and country. Had any Democratic president behaved the way Trump has — paying hush money to a porn star, flattering foreign dictators and spewing an unending stream of falsehoods — there’s no doubt congressio­nal Republican­s would have tried to run him out of the White House in a New York minute. Twenty- seven Republican­s who voted to impeach or convict Clinton remain in Congress. If they continue to defend Trump, history will record their hypocrisy.

Our support for Trump’s impeachmen­t by the House — we’ll wait for the Senate trial to render our verdict on removal from office — has nothing to do with policy differences. We have had profound disagreeme­nts with the president on a host of issues, led by his reckless deficits and inattentio­n to climate change, both of which will burden generation­s to come.

Policy differences are not, however, grounds for impeachmen­t. Constituti­onal violations are.

Bill Clinton should be impeached and stand trial “because the charges are too serious and the evidence amassed too compelling” to ignore, the Editorial Board wrote in December 1998. The same can be said this December about the allegation­s facing Donald Trump. Only much more so.

USA TODAY’s editorial opinions are decided by its Editorial Board, which operates by consensus and reaches its opinions independen­tly from the newsroom and any other part of USA TODAY or its parent company, Gannett. Most editorials are coupled with an opposing view, a unique USA TODAY feature.

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MATT ROURKE/ AP

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