USA TODAY International Edition

Multiple candidates could ‘ win’ the Iowa caucuses

Convoluted results would muddy Democratic race

- Brianne Pfannensti­el

DES MOINES, Iowa – Presidenti­al candidates have spent millions of dollars and months of their lives chasing a win in Iowa’s caucuses, but new rules adopted this year open the possibilit­y – some insiders call it a probabilit­y – that multiple candidates could “win.”

Democratic insiders and campaign staffers have long acknowledg­ed the chaos and confusion that could emerge, fretting over what it could mean for this year’s caucus as well as future ones.

For decades, the winner of Iowa’s caucuses has been decided by a complicate­d system of state delegate equivalent­s, which operates kind of like the Electoral College. Unlike in the November presidenti­al vote, though, Iowa’s tally of popular support was never released.

But on Monday night, the Iowa Democratic Party will publish two raw vote totals and the delegate numbers from caucus night.

So one candidate could win one or both of the delegate counts but lose the popular vote. That would open a new

layer of complexity as media report the results, campaigns spin them and voters in later states try to make sense of them – all in a year when the stakes have never been higher for Iowa to show it deserves to remain the first- in- the- nation presidenti­al voting state.

Sean Bagniewski, chairman of the Polk County Democrats, said the procedure changes were part of negotiatio­ns and revisions in reaction to critiques of the 2016 Democratic caucuses. They’re designed to increase transparen­cy and improve the process.

“But it’s a cruel irony that in some ways it can expose liabilitie­s to the caucus as well,” he said.

Already, Iowa has faced outside threats from those who argue its leadoff position in the presidenti­al nominating process is outdated, undemocrat­ic and unrepresen­tative.

And some Iowa Democrats worry that any hiccup on caucus night – such as a confusing story about who won – would add fuel to the fire.

Iowa Democratic Party Chairman Troy Price said he’s confident the new rules will offer a better explanatio­n of what happened on caucus night.

“I think what these numbers will do is just give greater transparen­cy to the process, and people will have a better sense of what’s happening,” he said. “They’ll be able to see how people moved around and where support moved over the course of the evening. And I think that’s going to be valuable informatio­n as people head into the next round of early states and Super Tuesday.”

Caucuses are ‘ messy by design’

Iowa’s Democratic caucuses are complicate­d affairs. They’re not run by the state, but by the state party and an army of unpaid volunteers.

“My goal, as I’ve joked, is to wake up on Feb. 4 saying, ‘ Well, that could’ve gone worse,’” said Dubuque County Democrats Chairman Steve Drahozal. “Because the caucuses are messy by design.”

On Monday, tens of thousands of Democrats will simultaneo­usly gather across the state in roughly 1,700 school gymnasiums, church basements and other caucus precinct sites at 7 p. m.

At each site, Iowans will physically stand in a designated area of the room to show their support for their candidate. Someone will count each person in each group and tally the results. That first count is known as the “first alignment.”

Candidates need to amass support from at least 15% of those in attendance to be considered viable in the first alignment. If a candidate is not viable, their supporters can try to gain new support to become viable, or they can pick a different candidate to support.

Then the groups’ sizes are counted again. That is known as the “final alignment.” While in past caucus years there have been multiple reshufflin­gs, this year there will be only two – the first alignment and the final.

Each candidate is awarded delegates based on the final alignment results at each precinct. Those are reported back to the Iowa Democratic Party, which puts the precinct- level delegates into a formula that calculates the equivalent number of delegates each candidate would earn at the county convention, the district convention and then at the state convention.

The final number is reported in “state delegate equivalent­s.”

People counting other people takes time and can produce inconsiste­ncies. The goal is always to control the chaos and to make sure people are able to participat­e and feel that the process was run fairly, Drahozal said.

“I’m expecting there to be confusion and a mess, because that’s what happens,” he said. “But I don’t want that confusion to be: ‘ Hey, I thought I could just show up and cast a vote and then leave.’ ... I don’t want anybody coming away from a Dubuque County caucus saying, ‘ That was not fair, it was rigged’ in any way.”

Tight finish in 2016 spurs changes

In 2016, Hillary Clinton won the Iowa Democratic caucuses, earning 49.9% of state delegate equivalent­s and edging out Bernie Sanders, who earned 49.6% of state delegate equivalent­s.

The narrow result prompted outcries from Sanders’ campaign and supporters, who worried small errors could have changed the outcome, and they urged the Iowa Democratic Party to reconsider the results.

And lurking in that razor- thin margin was always the possibilit­y that more people had turned out to support Sanders even though Clinton won more delegate equivalent­s. The state party did not collect or report the raw numbers behind the final delegate calculatio­n that would have provided an answer.

That will change for Monday’s caucuses.

This cycle, the party will release the number of people who supported each candidate on the first alignment and again after the realignmen­t.

“Almost always there have been campaigns that have said: ‘ Look, if this were a primary, I would have won. I had the most people. I just didn’t win the delegates, and that’s a silly system,’” said Norm Sterzenbac­h, a longtime Iowa Democratic operative who worked as Beto O’Rourke’s state director at the time he was interviewe­d and now advises U. S. Sen. Amy Klobuchar’s Iowa campaign on its caucus strategy. “But that argument doesn’t go anywhere because there’s not really any data – there’s certainly no independen­t data – to suggest that. … Now, it’s going to be right from the Democratic Party, right there for anyone to analyze and see.”

But having the data probably won’t end the jockeying.

“I think candidates will spin whatever narrative they want to coming out of caucus night,” Price said. “Our job is just to make sure that the data is accurate – that it accurately reflects what happened on caucus night. And that’s what we’re going to stay focused on.”

The momentum winner

Iowa has 41 pledged delegates it sends to the national convention, and those are divvied out to candidates proportion­ally to their caucus night results. The candidate who earns the most delegates officially wins the Iowa caucuses.

But the caucuses have never just been about who actually gets the most delegates – Iowa has too few of those to matter much compared with larger states like Texas, which has 228 delegates, or California, with 416. The real winner in Iowa has always been the candidate who captures the media narrative and claims momentum going into the rest of the primary race.

In 2020, candidates will have more ways than ever to claim victory.

The candidate who wins the delegate count, for example, will likely be able to argue they out- organized their competitor­s. Iowa’s Electoral College- style delegate system rewards those with a grassroots operation that can reach supporters across the state in rural and urban areas.

But the candidate who wins the most support in the first alignment could say they would have won the night had Iowa held a simple primary contest. That’s a direct measuremen­t of how Iowans felt when they walked into the caucus.

And the person who tallies the most supporters in the final alignment could make the case they can create the broadest coalition. Being able to attract supporters beyond one’s own base is valuable in a general election.

It’s possible the same candidate could win all three measures of support. That would create the simplest narrative out of Iowa.

But it’s also fully possible that a different candidate could “win” each of the three metrics.

‘ We can’t mess it up’

A mixed result could also color the local and national perception of the caucuses.

The caucuses are already seen by many as unnecessar­ily complex and arcane. News that some precincts decided ties between Sanders and Clinton with coin flips in 2016 turned into a days- long internatio­nal story as people marveled that such an important decision could come down to such low- tech solutions.

Those coin flips are allowed and ultimately had little influence on the overall results.

“But perception is reality,” Bagniewski said.

And if the perception is that, after years of campaignin­g, the caucuses produce difficult- to- understand, convoluted results, it could undermine the legitimate arguments for maintainin­g a caucus over a primary, Sterzenbac­h said.

“In the future, it just becomes harder to justify us doing the realignmen­t and everything that goes with that instead of just putting in the one- person, onevote process like Republican­s do,” he said.

“The stakes are incredibly high” this year, Bagniewski said. “One thing that we have told all the people in training is that all eyes of the world, all eyes of the country are on the Iowa caucuses this time, and we can’t mess it up, because there are a lot of people who want to challenge our first- in- the- nation status. No pressure or anything.”

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