USA TODAY International Edition

If a president can self- pardon

He could rape, steal or murder while in office and be immune from prosecutio­n

- Elizabeth Holtzman Former Rep. Elizabeth Holtzman, DN. Y., served on the House Judiciary Committee and voted to impeach President Richard Nixon. She is a Harvard Law graduate and the author of “The Case for Impeaching Trump.”

In the aftermath of his electoral defeat, we are confronted with the possibilit­y that President Donald Trump might pardon himself. No other president, not even Richard Nixon, has dared to do so. But Trump may want to extricate himself from the web of criminal accusation­s surroundin­g him. A self- pardon would be an assault on the rule of law and the principle that no person, including the president, is above the law. The public outcry would be enormous.

As a first- term congresswo­man, I became familiar with presidenti­al pardons when former President Gerald Ford testified before Congress in October 1974 about pardoning President Richard Nixon.

I alone questioned Ford about the suspicious circumstan­ces surroundin­g the pardon, and whether it was part of a deal with Nixon to get him to resign. I never got a credible answer.

The Nixon pardon angered the public and created a dual justice system — one for the powerful and another for everyone else.

My fears realized

I was concerned that shielding Nixon from accountabi­lity would signal to future presidents that they could commit crimes in office without facing criminal penalty. Sadly, my fears were realized in the lawlessnes­s of Trump’s presidency, and the looming possibilit­y of his self- pardon.

Although there is no case law on the subject, a self- pardon is unconstitu­tional and invalid — and therefore cannot guarantee Trump, once he leaves the presidency, protection from prosecutio­n for any federal crimes he might have committed.

The Constituti­on gives presidents broad powers to issue pardons for any federal ( not state) crime. But allowing presidents to pardon themselves contradict­s the whole thrust of the Constituti­on, and the notion that people cannot be judges in their own case.

The Justice Department’s Office of Legal Counsel has also opined that a self- pardon would be invalid.

The Constituti­on’s framers feared unbridled power and sought to check the presidency in various ways. A selfpardon would sidestep those checks, creating a zone of impunity around presidents that would threaten democracy with autocracy.

Think of it. If presidents could selfpardon, they could rape, steal or murder while in office and be immune from federal prosecutio­n. They could commit treason, conspire with another country to get elected, or take bribes from foreign government­s without fear of any criminal punishment.

The framers believed they could deter presidents from committing crimes by ensuring criminal prosecutio­n if they did. The Constituti­on makes it clear that impeachmen­t and removal from office would not be a sufficient penalty, specifying that an impeached and removed president “shall neverthele­ss be liable and subject to indictment, trial, judgment and punishment, according to law.”

Presidenti­al self- pardon would render this provision meaningles­s, and there are no meaningles­s provisions in the Constituti­on.

Basic rules of constituti­onal interpreta­tion reject readings that would hollow out constituti­onal provisions. Both the Constituti­on’s text and debates at the Constituti­onal Convention show that the framers intended miscreant presidents could be prosecuted.

Nixon pardon defeated Ford

Trump might try to avoid the legal problems of a self- pardon by making a deal with Vice President Mike Pence to step down from the presidency — either temporaril­y under the 25th Amendment or permanentl­y through resignatio­n — and have Pence pardon him. Pence, though, should remember that President Ford’s Nixon pardon was deeply unpopular and led to Ford’s defeat at the polls. A Pence pardon of Trump could and should end Pence’s political career.

Trump should also consider the risks of pardons for his family or associates. He has toyed with the idea of pardoning Michael Flynn, his former national security adviser, who pleaded guilty to lying to the FBI. He already commuted the sentence of Roger Stone, his longtime political strategist who was convicted of lying to Congress. Although Trump may have the power to pardon his family and associates, if he does it to obtain their silence about his crimes, that could be a crime in itself and expose Trump to further prosecutio­n.

Accepting a pardon, and guilt

Any of these moves — a self- pardon, a pardon deal with Pence, or pardoning family and friends — would add to the long list of unconstitu­tional, corrupt, shameful and dishonest acts that have marked Trump’s presidency. But in a way, if Trump abuses the pardon power to exonerate himself, it might at least inject an element of honesty. According to President Ford, accepting a pardon is an admission of guilt.

By the same logic, if Trump pardoned himself, he’d be confessing to criminalit­y of at least some part of his presidency. Coming from a president who has made false or misleading claims over 22,000 times, that would be a rare acknowledg­ment of truth.

 ?? BETTMANN ARCHIVE VIA GETTY IMAGES ?? President Gerald Ford greets Rep. Elizabeth Holtzman after his testimony to the House Judiciary Committee in 1974.
BETTMANN ARCHIVE VIA GETTY IMAGES President Gerald Ford greets Rep. Elizabeth Holtzman after his testimony to the House Judiciary Committee in 1974.

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from United States