USA TODAY International Edition

Donor disclosure hurts 1st Amendment

Democracy needs anonymous speech

- Christian Schneider Christian Schneider is a senior reporter for The College Fix, a subsidiary of a non-profit organizati­on that engages in public speech.

On March 2, Democratic Rhode Island Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse posted a tweet in which he calls Jan. 6, the day pro- Trump rioters ransacked the Capitol, a “day that will live in infamy,” but adds that Jan. 8 “may prove to be a day of greater consequenc­e.”

Backed by music likely deemed too depressing to be used in the film “Manchester by the Sea,” Whitehouse condemns a case accepted by the U. S. Supreme Court that will determine whether donors to nonprofit organizati­ons have the right to keep their informatio­n private if those nonprofit groups engage in anything that resembles politics.

To prove his case, Whitehouse — who is fond of attending Senate hearings with elaborate charts alleging conspiraci­es between Republican elected officials and these types of nonprofits — says we should “look at the flock of dark money front groups” that urged the conservati­ve- majority Supreme Court to take the case. On the tweeted video, he alleges that “dark money forces shepherded the last three justices onto the Supreme Court.”

When Whitehouse’s video scrolls through its list of these contemptib­le right- wing “dark money front groups,” however, the senator leaves off some crucial informatio­n.

Missing left- wing groups

Yes, among the groups that supported the court taking the case were notable right- wing groups such as Americans for Prosperity, the Institute for Justice, the U. S. Chamber of Commerce and others. But Whitehouse’s list was missing groups like the ACLU, the NAACP and the Human Rights Campaign — all politicall­y progressiv­e groups that filed amicus briefs supporting the right of donors to keep their informatio­n private.

The issue of donor disclosure by nonprofit groups has once again surfaced in a bill passed by the Democratic- controlled House last week, called HR1. A number of the bill’s speech regulation­s echo those of the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002, known as McCain- Feingold, which has subsequent­ly been dismantled by the Supreme Court on First Amendment grounds.

The most famous of these rulings was 2010’ s Citizens United v. the Federal Election Commission, which effectively got the government out of the business of banning movies, books and campaign ads critical of politician­s.

Those same political speech protection­s extend to anonymous speech, which has been a cornerston­e of activism since a trio of Founding Fathers banged out The Federalist Papers under the name “Publius.” Benjamin Franklin famously wrote political tomes under names like “Benevolus,” “Silence Dogood,” “Caelia Shortface” and “Martha Careful.”

Anonymous political speech allows a speaker to criticize government without fear of retributio­n from that same government. In one of the first landmark free speech court cases, Schenck vs. United States, the Supreme Court upheld a conviction against socialist Charles Schenck, who printed leaflets urging U. S. citizens to oppose the draft leading up to World War I. Schenck had spent $ 125 to mail his flyers opposing conscripti­on, and was sentenced to six months in prison.

Similarly, speech disclosure regulation­s by the government open individual­s who want to quietly support political causes up to bullying and harassment. In the 1950s, Alabama cracked down on the NAACP, demanding to see a list of its members.

In 1958, the Supreme Court found in favor of the NAACP, ruling that “compelled disclosure of affiliation with groups engaged in advocacy may constitute ( an) effective … restraint on freedom of associatio­n.”

Threats and harassment

The court noted past membership lists being made available subjected members to “economic reprisal, loss of employment, threat of physical coercion, and other manifestat­ions of public hostility.”

Similarly, in an amicus brief to the case pending before the Supreme Court, the LGBTQ- friendly Human Rights Campaign notes that its group “periodical­ly receives contributi­ons from donors who wish to remain anonymous, pseudonymo­us, or discreet,” and that its “members, supporters, and staff have faced threats and harassment and reasonably expect to encounter them in the future.”

It simply makes no sense that voting should be strictly anonymous while speech — or merely talking about voting — should be subject to legal disclosure regulation­s.

If made law, HR1 would require a ridiculous scheme in which the federal government would have to decide what tweets, videos and other advertisem­ents to regulate based on what constitute­s “political speech.” In an era when more people have the ability to use social media to speak on political matters, regulation of such speech is nearly an impossibil­ity.

Or, as Chief Justice John Roberts has said, “We don’t put our First Amendment rights in the hands of FEC bureaucrat­s.”

Thus, everyone should have the right to speak out on politics — whether you’re a group interested in less government or LGBTQ rights, or an ill- informed U. S. senator trying to score misleading political points.

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