USA TODAY International Edition

Our View: President Biden gambles on big government

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If there is an overarchin­g theme of President Joe Biden’s first 100 days, it’s his argument that a bigger government can improve lives. That’s a seismic departure from decades of Reagan- era dogma that big government is never the solution, only the problem. If anything, Biden’s view is a throwback to the Great Society domestic activism of Lyndon Johnson or the New Deal policies of Franklin Roosevelt.

Nonetheles­s, it’s also vital to highlight the risks of such a strategy.

Biden is setting a high bar for himself with his propositio­n that trillions in government spending, paid with higher debt and higher taxes, will address society’s ills — rather than rely on the private sector and market- driven solutions. It assumes federal bureaucrac­y can be an efficient, waste- avoiding engine for social change.

And so far, so good.

In contrast to President Donald Trump’s fumbling hands- off approach last year to the coronaviru­s pandemic, where botched federal testing and mixed- signal precaution­s led to soaring infections and death, Biden has marshaled government resources so that within his first 100 days, just more than half of the adult population has received at least a single dose of a vaccine.

Meanwhile, the pandemic illustrate­d the growing divide between wealthier Americans, who could adjust to the disease by simply working at home, and lower earners whose jobs went away, were reduced or required them to work exposed to the virus.

The K- shaped economy that emerged was fertile ground for Biden’s $ 1.9 trillion COVID- 19 relief package, pushed through Congress in March with only Democratic votes. It’s the largest expansion of the social safety net in generation­s with its direct payments to those most financially strapped by the pandemic, along with tax credits and billions of dollars for child care and restaurant recovery. Seventy percent of Americans were pleased by it, including 41% of Republican­s.

Likewise there is, so far, popular support for Biden’s $ 2 trillion proposed infrastruc­ture bill that would rebuild roads and bridges, and spend hundreds of billions on promoting electrical vehicles, expanding broadband, revitalizi­ng the electric grid and upgrading the community- and homebased eldercare system. And Wednesday, he unveiled his American Families Plan that calls for $ 1.8 trillion in spending for education, child care and paid family leave, among other things.

Meanwhile, there are broad signs of robust economic recovery, for which presidents always receive credit, whether or not it’s appropriat­e.

And despite a harshly polarized electorate, Biden’s approval rating has consistent­ly remained above 50%, much improved over his predecesso­r.

All of this might insulate Biden when challenges arise. But the gamble of extolling bigger government is that there’s very little room for failures.

What if the influx of unaccompan­ied children flooding the southern border becomes an even greater crisis?

What if fears of rising interest rates and inflation become reality? The federal debt is on course to exceed the size of the economy this year for only the second time since World War II.

And what if Afghanista­n collapses into televised civil war following the U. S. withdrawal ordered by Biden? After two decades of war in that country, at the cost of 2,400 U. S. troops killed and $ 2 trillion, could there be a greater example of wholesale government miscalcula­tion and waste?

Much of Biden’s agenda is smart and bold, but in a time of a closely divided Washington, where Democrats have the barest of majorities in the House and Senate, successful implementa­tion is paramount.

President Biden will have to manage his new, bigger government with all the benefit of his five decades of experience in Washington to avoid blowback that will diminish his accomplish­ments so far.

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