USA TODAY US Edition

Ukraine must wish it had kept its nukes

- Paula Dobriansky and David Rivkin Paula Dobriansky, a senior fellow at Harvard’s Belfer Center for Science and Internatio­nal Affairs, was undersecre­tary of State for the George W. Bush administra­tion. David Rivkin, a partner at Baker Hostetler, served in

The world seems to have forgotten that Ukraine began its independen­ce from the Soviet Union in 1991 as a major nuclear power, possessing the world’s third largest nuclear force, more powerful than Chinese, British and French forces combined. That capability gave Ukraine great foreign policy leverage with Russia and others.

No doubt, Ukraine probably wishes that leverage were still available to resist Russian President Vladimir Putin’s aggression.

However, promptly persuading Ukraine to give up its nuclear weapons capability was a major foreign policy objective of the United States, Britain, France and Russia. As a result of pressure from those countries, Ukraine gave up its nuclear power by 1996

Internatio­nal law, arms control hurt

— but with a significan­t preconditi­on. Ukraine obtained an unpreceden­ted set of security guarantees from these countries, which were memorializ­ed in the Budapest Memorandum­s. The declaratio­n committed Russia, Britain and the U.S. to respect Ukraine’s borders, abstain from the use of force against Ukraine, and forgo economic coercion. Even China and France, while not signing the declaratio­n, sent diplomatic notes expressing support.

Thus, Russia’s current military actions in Crimea, coupled with an anemic Western response, will deal a grave blow to internatio­nal law in general and nuclear nonprolife­ration in particular. These actions lend credence to the idea that the possession of nuclear weapons, more so than the security guarantees by even all of the great powers, is a reliable deterrent to internatio­nal aggression.

Had Ukraine still had its 1,800 nuclear warheads, Russia wouldn’t have seized Crimea. This fact will not be lost on any aspiring nuclear state, be they rogues such as Iran, or pro-Western countries such as Japan, and could undermine the cause of nuclear non-proliferat­ion.

While bilateral and multilater­al security guarantees are common, a joint commitment by the greatest powers is rare. To find an equally important pre-Budapest example, one would have to go back to the 1839 Treaty of London, in which European powers guaranteed Belgium’s security. Seventy-five years later, the treaty was violated by Germany at the start of World War I, and Britain fulfilled its obligation­s by declaring war on Germany.

While going to war with Russia over Ukraine is unthinkabl­e, the U.S., Britain, France and Germany should at least mitigate the damage to the cause of non-proliferat­ion and internatio­nal law by imposing the most robust set of economic, financial and diplomatic sanctions on Moscow.

 ?? VIKTOR POBEDINSKY, AP FILE PHOTO ?? The tail section of a strategic bomber is cut off in 2002 as part of a U.S.-funded program to help Ukraine destroy weapons of mass destructio­n inherited in the collapse of the Soviet Union.
VIKTOR POBEDINSKY, AP FILE PHOTO The tail section of a strategic bomber is cut off in 2002 as part of a U.S.-funded program to help Ukraine destroy weapons of mass destructio­n inherited in the collapse of the Soviet Union.

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