Cells stay locked after Obama clemency
President grants requests, but inmates still have years to serve
For 126 federal inmates who received presidential clemency last month, the good news might have come with a dose of disappointment.
President Obama granted their requests for commutations, using his constitutional pardon power to shorten their sentences for drug offenses. But instead of releasing them, he left them with years — and in some cases, more than a decade — remaining to serve on their sentences.
As Obama has begun to grant commutations to inmates convicted of more serious crimes, he has increasingly commuted their sentences without immediately releasing them. These are what are known as “term” commutations, as opposed to the more common “time served” commutations, and they represent a departure from recent practice. Unlike a full pardon, commutations shorten sentences but leave other consequences of the conviction in place.
A USA TODAY analysis of Obama’s 673 commutations shows a marked change in strategy on his clemency initiative, one of the key criminal justice efforts of his presidency.
Before last month, almost all the inmates whose sentences were commuted were released within four months, just long enough for the Bureau of Prisons to arrange for court-supervised
monitoring and other re-entry programs. In the past two rounds of presidential clemency in August, 39% of commutations came with a long string attached: a year or more left to serve on the sentence.
The strategy has allowed Obama to commute the sentences of more serious offenders. Before last month, 13% of inmates receiving clemency had used a firearm in the offense. For those granted presidential mercy last month, it was 22%.
In undoing sentences for convicts who aren’t ready to be released, critics say Obama acts as a sort of sentencing judge in chief. Through lawyers in the Justice Department and the White House Counsel’s Office, the president effectively recalculates the sentences using the federal guidelines in effect today — as opposed to the harsher penalties mandated by Congress in the 1980s and ’90s.
“There are a number of cases where it’s a genuine resentencing. It’s unprecedented,” said former pardon attorney Margaret Love, who served under Presidents George H.W. Bush and Bill Clinton. “That signals to me that the power is being used in a way it’s never been used before.”
There may be a political calculation to the new clemency strategy, reflecting a general understanding that there’s no guarantee that a President Hillary Clinton or Donald Trump would continue Obama’s signature clemency initiative. Though it’s not entirely settled, most scholars say a commutation warrant cannot be revoked by a future president once it’s granted, delivered and accepted.
Explaining his philosophy on commutation power at a news conference last month — the day after he set a single-day clemency record by granting 214 commutations — Obama gave the example of an inmate who has already served a 25-year sentence but would have served only 20 if sentenced under today’s laws.
“What we try to do is to screen through and find those individuals who have paid their debt to society, that have behaved themselves and tried to reform themselves while incarcerated and we think have a good chance of being able to use that second chance well,” he said.
White House Counsel Neil Eggleston, who’s the last stop for a clemency application before it goes to the president, acknowledged the change in strategy Aug. 3, the day Obama issued 214 commutations.
“While some commutation recipients will begin to process out of federal custody immediately, others will serve more time,” he wrote in a blog post. “While these term reductions will require applicants to serve additional time, it will also allow applicants to continue their rehabilitation by completing educational and selfimprovement programming and to participate in drug or other counseling services.”
Critics say Obama is no longer reserving his clemency power for extraordinary circumstances but substituting his own judgment for that of Congress and the courts.
“To impose these things, and to have the commutation take effect after he leaves office — and even after the presidency of someone who succeeds him — seems inappropriate to me,” said Rep. Bob Goodlatte, R-Va., chairman of the House Judiciary Committee.
Goodlatte acknowledged that the power to “grant reprieves and pardons for offenses against the United States” is one of the Constitution’s most ironclad powers, and amending the Constitution would be difficult.
The long drug sentences were mandated by Congress under a tough-on-drugs policy of mandatory minimum sentences, which gave federal judges little leeway in giving drug offenders long prison terms. Through a series of Supreme Court decisions and changes, those sentences are much shorter — especially for crack cocaine, which often gave African-American offenders longer sentences than white offenders dealing a comparable amount of powder cocaine.
Take the case of Alfonso Allen. He pleaded guilty in 2006 of being a lieutenant in a Miami drug trafficking ring that ran a crack cocaine operation they called “the Mint.”
Like 71 inmates granted clemency by Obama, he was a career offender. After getting 30 years in prison, he withdrew his guilty plea, arguing that the trial judge pressured him by saying a guilty verdict at trial would result in a life sentence and an exit from prison “in a box.” Allen went to trial with a new judge and — as the original judge predicted — he was sentenced to life.
Obama effectively resentenced Allen to the original 30 years. With good time, he will be released as early as May 14, 2032.
In previous administrations — or even the first seven and a half years of Obama’s — cases like that might have been denied and told to reapply later.
When Congress passed the Fair Sentencing Act of 2010, it stopped short of abolishing mandatory minimums for offenses committed before 2010. Though Congress is considering a number of proposals to change that, Goodlatte said Obama is continuing a pattern of going around lawmakers and acting alone.
“He has effectively set himself up as a judge, reviewing thousands of cases where they’ve been prosecuted, convicted, sentenced and appealed beyond the district court level. And he’s undercut all that work by commuting their sentences,” Goodlatte said. “I think the president is taking a misguided approach to this issue when he tries to set himself up as a super judge who would oversee the actions of a separate branch of government.”
Mary Price, who has represented drug offenders seeking presidential clemency, said the president is the only person who can act under present law.
“In our system, there’s a heavy emphasis on finality of judgment,” said Price, chief counsel for Families Against Mandatory Minimums, which advocates for changes in drug laws. “The court has no jurisdiction to go back and change that sentence.”
She noted that every time he grants a round of commutations, Obama uses the occasion to push Congress to change drug sentences. Obama’s use of clemency, she said, “only makes the point that these sentences are too long, and someone ought to be doing something about it, and Congress should step up.”
Though Obama’s resentencing strategy is a departure from re- cent practice, experts noted that presidents have granted term commutations before, on a caseby-case basis. For example, any commutation of the death penalty to life imprisonment would fit the definition of what the Justice Department calls a “term commutation,” as opposed to the more typical “time served” commutation.
If recent presidents haven’t done it that way, it’s more because they’ve granted so few commutations to begin with. As the White House is quick to note, Obama has commuted the sentences of more prisoners than the previous 10 presidents — that’s Dwight Eisenhower through George W. Bush — combined.
P.S. Ruckman Jr., a political scientist who has analyzed data on presidential clemency back to George Washington, said the Obama strategy was “comparable to finding a dollar on the sidewalk — it doesn’t happen every day.”
“Is Obama doing it at some unprecedented level? I don’t know. Maybe. But I am not so sure what to make of that either,” he said. “That’s what checks and balances are all about.”
“There are a number of cases where it’s a genuine resentencing. It’s unprecedented. That signals to me that the power is being used in a way it’s never been used before.” Former pardon attorney Margaret Love