USA TODAY US Edition

Obamacare subsidy threat smacks of a shakedown

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Ever since House Republican­s balked at a plan to end health insurance for 24 million Americans by repealing Obamacare, President Trump has been casting around for alternativ­e strategies.

One idea is to take another crack at legislatio­n. To that end, Republican­s have spent recent days struggling to craft a plan that hard-line conservati­ves and more moderate members could back.

Another idea is to sabotage President Obama’s signature legislatio­n by blocking funds for cost-sharing subsidies that help lower-income people purchase insurance.

“Obamacare is dead next month if it doesn’t get that money,” Trump told The Wall Street Journal.

If Trump is trying to sound like a movie gangster, he’s doing a pretty good job. Translated into filmspeak, his remarks would go something like this: “Gee, you have such a lovely family. It would be a shame if something happened to them.”

Over the weekend, Trump and his aides took their extortion scheme a step further, explicitly linking the subsidy payments to the budget talks aimed at averting a partial government shutdown at the end of this week. The administra­tion would fund the insurance subsidies, officials said, only if congressio­nal Democrats agree to a down payment on Trump’s Southern border wall (the one Mexico is supposed to pay for).

That’s a bad deal. The subsidies aren’t a favor for Democrats. They’re a lifeline for people who need care. Cutting them off could have a devastatin­g impact.

According to the Kaiser Family Foundation, 12.2 million people buy insurance on individual exchanges; 58% of them rely on subsidies to save as much as $3,545 annually on medical and drug deductible­s and $5,587 on out-of-pocket maximums. The average premium, if the subsidies were to be cut off, would rise by 9% in North Dakota, the least affected state, and 27% in Missis- sippi, the most affected state.

Were Trump to cut off costsharin­g subsidies, he and his fellow Republican­s would be blamed for destabiliz­ing the insurance markets that millions of individual­s and small businesses rely on to purchase coverage.

In theory, Republican­s are opposed to these cost-sharing subsidies. In 2014, they even filed a lawsuit challengin­g the payments’ constituti­onality on the grounds that they should be the subject of annual appropriat­ions — an argument that ignores the fact that most federal spending goes toward benefit programs that operate on autopilot.

But since the GOP “repeal and replace” bill ran aground in the House, there has been no effort to revive the suit. In fact, some Republican­s have publicly stated that Congress should appropriat­e money for the program.

Trump has also been hearing from insurance companies, which argue that his rumination­s about cutting off cost-sharing subsidies, as well as his executive order to soften the mandate that all individual­s have coverage, are likely to drive up health care costs.

The situation is pretty clear for Trump: He could make some conservati­ves happy by cutting off the funding. But that would come at a terrible cost to millions of Americans and, potentiall­y, to his own presidency.

 ?? KEVIN HAGEN, GETTY IMAGES ??
KEVIN HAGEN, GETTY IMAGES

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