USA TODAY US Edition

Jonathan Turley How Louisville could decide Trump immunity

- Jonathan Turley, the Shapiro Professor of Public Interest Law at George Washington University, is a member of USA TODAY’s Board of Contributo­rs.

The Trump administra­tion has presented a series of difficult ethical and constituti­onal questions, from nepotism to emoluments. The most significan­t legal issue could be determined in Louisville, where President Trump is being sued over his alleged role in an assault on protesters.

Three protesters allege they were assaulted at a March 2016 campaign rally, where Trump told his supporters, “Get ’ em out of here!” They are seeking damages from not just the two Trump supporters who allegedly manhandled them but also Trump himself as instigatin­g the assault.

Trump’s lawyers are arguing that even though the alleged injury occurred before he was president, no citizen may sue the president in state court.

Only four presidents have faced civil lawsuits as individual­s:

Teddy Roosevelt was sued as head of the New York City Police Department by officer John Hurley, who challenged his dismissal. This action was later dismissed without an opinion.

Harry Truman, while still a senator from Missouri, was sued by attorney Roy DeVault, a resident in an insane asylum. Again, it was dismissed.

John Kennedy was sued over a car accident during his 1960 presidenti­al campaign. While his lawyers tried to rely on his presidenti­al office to dismiss the case, the court rejected those claims. The case was then settled.

Bill Clinton was sued by Paula Jones over his conduct while he was Arkansas governor, claiming sexual harassment at a conference at a hotel. Clinton sought to delay the lawsuit until after his term. In a unanimous decision, the Supreme Court ruled that a president has no immunity from civil litigation over conduct before taking office.

Trump’s defense says: “Mr. Trump is immune from proceeding­s pursuant to Clinton v. Jones.” While Clinton v. Jones involved a federal rather than a state court, citing it for presidenti­al immunity is like citing Brown v. Board of

Education for school segregatio­n. What is most troubling in this case is that the primary defense is factual, not constituti­onal. While admitting that Trump yelled, “Get them out of here,” the court has been told that “the Trump defendants deny Mr. Trump’s statement was directed at the crowd.”

Though Trump may claim he was speaking to the security staff, counsel for defendant Alvin Bamberger, a Trump supporter, insists that he acted “in response to — and inspired by — Trump and/ or the Trump campaign’s urging to remove the protesters.”

With dozens of such cases following Trump, the concern is that tactical rather than constituti­onal calculatio­ns will determine new tests for presidenti­al privileges and immunities. This is not how presidenti­al precedent should be made.

If a case threatens presidenti­al powers or privileges, the White House counsel or the Justice Department can intervene to protect the office. Otherwise, Trump and counsel should keep the presidency out of it.

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