USA TODAY US Edition

LIKE RUSSIA, GOP HACKED DEMOCRACY

Anti-Trump energy won’t be enough for Democrats to beat Republican­s in 2018

- Jason Sattler Jason Sattler, aka @LOLGOP, is a member of USA TODAY’s Board of Contributo­rs and a columnist for The National Memo.

For the first time in more than a decade, Democrats are looking forward to a midterm election. But they would make a terrible mistake to forget the lessons of 2016, and I don’t just mean, “Don’t trust precedents, polls or James Comey.”

The most important takeaway of the presidenti­al election for the minority party is that our democracy has been hacked, and not just by a foreign power. Since 2010, when the Supreme Court’s

Citizens United ruling erased limits on anonymous corporate donations, 22 states have passed new restrictio­ns on voting. Even a big “enthusiasm edge” among Democrats likely isn’t enough to reboot this system.

Making it harder to vote than it is to buy an election feeds into the Republican Party’s natural midterm advantages, which include the older, whiter compositio­n of the electorate multiplied by Democrats’ tendency to cluster in urban areas. Along with the presidency and Congress, Republican­s control an all-time high of 69 of 99 state legislativ­e chambers and more governorsh­ips than at any time in the past 94 years, thanks in no small part to a decision by right-wing donors to invest in elections in all 50 states.

TWO-PRONGED WAR Democrats thought their Electoral College advantage and diversifyi­ng demographi­cs were an answer to the right’s comprehens­ive approach to defining the electorate. They were wrong. If they keep being wrong, the progress reversed in President Trump’s first 100 days will be just a preview for the disaster film of the century.

Ari Berman, author Give Us the Ballot: The Modern Struggle for

Voting Rights in America, argues that voter suppressio­n is a far bigger problem than the fantasy of widespread voter fraud used by conservati­ves to justify voting restrictio­ns. The presidenti­al election was the first in 50 years without the full protection of the Voting Rights Act, and the first to feature new voting restrictio­ns passed by 14 states.

One of them was Wisconsin. Molly McGrath worked with VoteRiders to help some of the 300,000 registered residents who lacked the right ID. Two paid staffers and a team of volunteers helped thousands, many who had been voting for decades, secure proper documents. It wasn’t nearly enough. “The worst was hearing from voters who had no idea they did not have the ID to cast a regular ballot until they showed up at the polls on Election Day,” McGrath told me. Trump won Wisconsin by 22,000 votes, with the lowest turnout in decades.

To begin to reverse Republican­s’ natural and manufactur­ed advantages, Democrats must wage a two-pronged war that mirrors GOP efforts to restrict voting where they have power and to depress the vote where they don’t.

In redder states, efforts such as VoteRiders must be expanded exponentia­lly to overcome not only ID laws but also suppressiv­e tactics, such as eliminatin­g early voting and closing polling places that serve minorities, students and seniors. Non-white voters are already six times as likely to wait more than an hour to vote. Where laws can’t be changed, enormous outreach is necessary. GET ASPIRATION­AL In bluer states, Democrats must make it easier to register and vote. Oregon, setting a new standard, has mail-in voting and recently was the first state to pass automatic registrati­on. The result: Turnout increased 20 percentage points among voters ages 18-29, and registrati­on of voters of color rose 26 points to 79%. “Automatic registrati­on is more effective than any registrati­on drive,” Berman told me.

This is where Democrats can get aspiration­al. For instance, Texas has draconian voter registrati­on laws that resemble the Jim Crow era. Automatic registrati­on could transform the state, Berman said. And a competitiv­e Texas would reshape U.S. politics.

The Texas Organizing Project estimates that 1.1 million new voters might break conservati­ves’ hold on the state. But registrati­on has to be just the beginning. In 2010, another midterm election, 2 million African-American and Latino voters in Texas went unregister­ed, but 3 million registered ones sat home.

The combinatio­n of voter suppressio­n and Democrats’ inability to turn out voters last year helped Republican­s extend a conservati­ve Supreme Court majority that could enable escalating voting restrictio­ns for decades. Only a massive effort to fight for every vote can begin to restore our system’s settings to resemble what they were before Citizens United and the rollback of the Voting Rights Act.

 ??  ?? Outside a polling station in Los Angeles on Nov. 8. DAMIAN DOVARGANES, AP
Outside a polling station in Los Angeles on Nov. 8. DAMIAN DOVARGANES, AP

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