USA TODAY US Edition

When politics and work collide

What employees do outside of work is not guaranteed protection

- Charisse Jones and Michael Izzo

Should your politics outside of work affect your status in the office?

A congressma­n’s letter that helped push a New Jersey attorney to resign after her boss was told she was a grass-roots “ringleader’’ has sparked questions about how much an employer can clamp down on an employee’s activism.

The Office of Congressio­nal Ethics has been asked to investigat­e whether U.S. Rep. Rodney Frelinghuy­sen, R-N.J., interfered with the workplace standing of Saily Avelenda, a former senior vice president at Lakeland Bank, when he called out her political activities in a letter to a member of the bank’s board.

In an era of heightened political tensions, when football players have knelt in protest during the national anthem and many Americans are marching and boycotting for perhaps the first time, the case is showing how politics and the workplace can collide.

“There’s no federal law that broadly protects employees’ political expression­s at work,’’ says Emily Martin, general counsel and vice president for workplace justice at the National Women’s Law Center.

While she says some states offer additional protection­s, and federal civil servants can’t be discrimina­ted against based on political beliefs, “private employers have a lot of leeway.’’

Still, in practice, while some employers may put limits on overt political activities in the office, like tacking a campaign poster to a cubicle wall, what

employees do politicall­y in their private lives generally is off limits, says Edward Yost of the Society for Human Resource Management.

“If they’re marching on the weekends, on one side or the other, those are their rights to do so,’’ he says.

Avelenda was involved with a local grass-roots organizati­on, NJ11th For Change, which since November has been demanding that Frelinghuy­sen hold an inperson town hall with his constituen­ts, something he has not done since 2013.

In March, the congressma­n sent a signed fundraisin­g letter to a Lakeland Bank board member, Joseph O’Dowd, noting the opposition he was facing. He also tacked on a handwritte­n note that read, “P.S. One of the ringleader­s works in your bank!’’ Attached was a Politico article quoting Avelenda.

Avelenda was later shown the letter by her boss, who told her Frelinghuy­sen was a friend of the bank and that she should not use

“There’s no federal law that broadly protects employees’ political expression­s at work.’’ Emily Martin, general counsel, National Women’s Law Center

Lakeland’s name when engaging in political activities, which she says she had not done. Avelenda eventually quit, and while she says the letter was not the only reason, it was a factor.

“When I was shown the letter, I was stunned,’’ Avelenda said. “I didn’t feel pressured when I was told of the letter. I understood they were caught in the middle of this, but I did feel uncomforta­ble. I wondered why I was being scrutinize­d.”

Lakeland said in a statement it does not comment on the status of current or former staff members. But it says its code of ethics promotes “that each employee has the opportunit­y to support community activities or the political process in the manner that she or he desires.’’

There could be repercussi­ons for the congressma­n. The Campaign for Accountabi­lity, which calls itself a non-partisan, watchdog organizati­on, filed a complaint with the Office of Congressio­nal Ethics against Frelinghuy­sen.

“The House ethics committee requires members to act in a way that ‘reflects creditably on the House,’ ” Campaign for Accountabi­lity Executive Director Daniel Stevens said. “If trying to get someone fired for exercising her constituti­onal right to engage in political activity doesn’t reflect poorly on the House, what does?”

The complaint asks the Office of Congressio­nal Ethics to investigat­e whether Frelinghuy­sen interfered with Avelenda’s standing at her workplace, whether he misused his office for the prospect of political gain and whether he violated the rule requiring members to act in a manner that reflects creditably on the House of Representa­tives.

And the Democratic Congressio­nal Campaign Committee, which works to get Democrats elected in the House of Representa­tives, condemned Frelinghuy­sen’s actions. The committee launched a digital ad campaign on Facebook and Instagram on Tuesday, targeting voters in Frelinghuy­sen’s congressio­nal district and using a quote from Avelenda, saying Frelinghuy­sen used his position to punish her.

“Rep. Frelinghuy­sen abused the power of his office when he targeted his constituen­t for exercising her First Amendment rights,” committee spokesman Evan Lukaske said. “His unethical actions represent the very worst kind of politics and show exactly why he needs to be replaced next November.”

Frelinghuy­sen did not respond to repeated calls and emails.

Few workplaces have an official policy governing political activ- ities on the job, though many discourage it, according to the Society for Human Resource Management.

A SHRM survey released in June, in the midst of the presidenti­al contest between Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton, found 72% of human resource profession­als said their companies discourage­d political activities on the job, 24% had a formal, written policy regarding activism and 8% had an unwritten policy.

Some states or local jurisdicti­ons go beyond federal rules to protect employees’ rights to political expression. Washington D.C., for instance, in its human rights code, protects workers from facing bias based on political affiliatio­n, Martin says. The National Labor Relations Act, meanwhile, protects the right of workers to speak in the office about politicall­y charged issues such as raising the minimum wage or joining a union, which are workplace issues. “But otherwise, under federal law, private employers have a lot of leeway in how they run their companies,” Martin says.

Yost says that “generally speaking, employers may limit the discussion of political candidates at work because oftentimes those debates around fitness for the position may include mention of the gender, race, religion (or) age of the candidate, which can be hotbutton issues.’’

If the company’s staff is gathered for an activity outside of the office, workplace rules could still apply. “They’re out there as representa­tives of the company,’’ Yost says.

A workplace’s restrictio­ns may also depend on the job. Managers of a sales team interactin­g with clients may mandate that employees not wear campaign buttons. “If you’re working in a back office, it’s likely to be a little more relaxed,’’ Yost says.

Whether or not there’s a hardand-fast rule book, employees need to be mindful of the potential fallout declaratio­ns about polarizing social issues or politician­s could have in their office space. “Any time you take one of those positions, pro-life, prochoice, this candidate, that candidate ... you can certainly expect that people who don’t share that point of view are likely not going to appreciate it,’’ Yost says.

“Rep. Frelinghuy­sen abused the power of his office when he targeted his constituen­t for exercising her First Amendment rights.” Evan Lukaske, spokesman, Democratic Congressio­nal Campaign Committee

 ?? REP. FRELINGHUY­SEN BY J. SCOTT APPLEWHITE, AP; BOB KARP, THE DAILY RECORD VIA USA TODAY NETWORK ?? Saily Avelenda quit her job as a senior VP at Lakeland Bank in New Jersey after her boss received a letter from U.S. Rep. Rodney Frelinghuy­sen, R-N.J., left. In the letter, Frelinghuy­sen cited opposition he was facing from the group NJ11th For Change,...
REP. FRELINGHUY­SEN BY J. SCOTT APPLEWHITE, AP; BOB KARP, THE DAILY RECORD VIA USA TODAY NETWORK Saily Avelenda quit her job as a senior VP at Lakeland Bank in New Jersey after her boss received a letter from U.S. Rep. Rodney Frelinghuy­sen, R-N.J., left. In the letter, Frelinghuy­sen cited opposition he was facing from the group NJ11th For Change,...
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