USA TODAY US Edition

What does Calif. affirmativ­e action ban mean for USA?

- Elinor Aspegren Contributi­ng: Richard Wolf and Marco della Cava

When Propositio­n 16 did not pass in California in November, leaving a ban on affirmativ­e action in place, Naomi Waters was dismayed but not surprised.

“So this is where we’re at?” the thirdyear student at the University of California-Riverside recalled thinking.

“It’s dishearten­ing where we are currently, but then looking nationally, it isn’t really that much of the surprise,” said Waters, the Racial Justice Now chair of the University of California Student Associatio­n.

Propositio­n 16 would have removed the ban in the California Constituti­on on considerin­g race and sex in government hiring and education. It would have reinstated a practice called affirmativ­e action, most notably at public colleges.

The defeat of Propositio­n 16 marks one of many attacks on affirmativ­e action over the years, both at the polls and in the country’s courts. But in recent years, courts have endorsed measures to account for race in college admissions.

Another showdown over affirmativ­e action is looming: A case against Harvard University, in which plaintiffs accuse the university of discrimina­ting against Asian American students, is likely to go to the U.S. Supreme Court, which is dominated by conservati­ves.

Despite the courts’ evolution on affirmativ­e action, California voters’ views on the subject are nearly unchanged over the past 25 years. The ban on affirmativ­e action was first approved by 54% of registered California­ns via Propositio­n 209 in 1996.

Nearly 25 years later, 56% of California­ns voted to keep the ban in place.

Activists and universiti­es shout that people of color need special considerat­ion, given the systemic effects of racism in America.

The ban created “a fundamenta­l opportunit­y gap” for students of color at universiti­es, Chancellor Timothy White of California State University told EdSource in October.

“They’ve had less opportunit­y for reasons that are often beyond their control,” such as financial issues, the quality of their schools or being the first member of their family to go to college, White said.

When the ban on affirmativ­e action was implemente­d in 1998, the total enrollment of Black and Hispanic students at the University of California nosedived by about 800 students per year, a study out of UC-Berkeley reported in August. The researcher­s said the ban

deterred thousands of students from applying.

Neverthele­ss, affirmativ­e action policies have been on the voter chopping block for decades.

In 1996, California became the first state to ban affirmativ­e action in government. Twenty-four years since, 10 states have banned affirmativ­e action – though Texas’ ban was reversed in 2003. All but four of those states’ bans were decided by voters.

These policies have been upheld nationally by Supreme Court decisions dating back to 1978.

Supreme Court

Colleges, saying diversity is important to their educationa­l climate and mission, try to find ways to consider race as part of admissions. The Supreme Court upheld their approaches.

“Considerab­le deference is owed to a university in defining those intangible characteri­stics, like student body diversity, that are central to its identity and educationa­l mission,” the court said in a 4-3 decision in 2016 written by Associate Justice Anthony Kennedy, who retired in 2018.

Americans’ views on affirmativ­e action, despite Propositio­n 16’s failure, may be changing. Sixty-one percent of respondent­s told Gallup in 2019 that they favored affirmativ­e programs for minorities, up from 54% in 2016.

Part of the reason that Propositio­n 16 failed may have been the narrative

around its campaign, “the idea of ‘overturnin­g a previous referendum’ as opposed to a new or renewed effort to ensure opportunit­y and access for historical­ly marginaliz­ed groups,” said Michal Kurlaender, professor of education policy at the University of California-Davis.

Overturnin­g the ban was seen by many as a chance to address systemic racism and limited opportunit­ies for Black and Latino California­ns, who make up the majority of the state.

The ban may have failed because of different framing, said Natasha Warikoo, professor of sociology at Tufts University.

“When people are asked, ‘Should there be affirmativ­e action to increase diversity?’ most people say yes,” she said. “But when they’re asked whether policy should take race into considerat­ion, people are more likely to say no.”

The discord around affirmativ­e action could reflect California’s relationsh­ip with race, such as its history of police brutality, James Taylor, professor of politics at the University of San Francisco, said in October, before the vote.

“Underneath a veneer of liberalism is a view of Black communitie­s as being a nagging, unwelcome presence,” he said.

The state isn’t alone this year in the conflict surroundin­g affirmativ­e action. The U.S. Justice Department sued Yale University last month for alleged discrimina­tion against Asian American and white students. It’s similar to Harvard’s case, a lawsuit that alleges the school discrimina­ted against Asian

American students to boost African American and Hispanic enrollment. A federal appeals court sided with Harvard University on Nov. 12 in reinforcin­g its affirmativ­e action policies.

The same group that challenged Harvard’s considerat­ion, run by Edward Blum, a politicall­y conservati­ve legal strategist, is challengin­g admissions policies at the University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill. The trial in that case began in mid-November.

The reason voters and plaintiffs keep rejecting affirmativ­e action, Kurlaender said, comes down to perception­s around college admissions.

“The courts have preserved universiti­es’ clear intent to create a more diverse and inclusive educationa­l environmen­t for the benefit of learning for all students,” she said. “The voters see admissions, particular­ly at selective institutio­ns, as a zero-sum game where there are losers and winners.” That doesn’t strike voters as fair, she said.

Promoting diversity

California universiti­es aren’t giving up, said Luoluo Hong, the associate vice chancellor who oversees student affairs and admissions at California State.

“We’ve operated now for quite some time without access to affirmativ­e action,” Hong said.

Operating without it forced the system to adapt and create admissions policies that allowed officials to target lowincome and first-generation students. Often, these students are underrepre­sented racially in admissions.

Outside of admissions, she said, the school system establishe­d programs to foster belonging for underrepre­sented minorities.

Last year, the UC system admitted the most diverse class in state history, even under a ban on race-based admissions, according to preliminar­y data.

First-generation students made up 45% of those admitted and low-income students 44%. That class was 36% Latino, 35% Asian American, 21% white and 5% Black. The rest were Native Americans, Pacific Islanders or those who declined to state their race or ethnicity.

Waters hopes that as the state evolves into one where people of color make up the majority and younger folks become eligible to vote, this year will not be the last that California considers affirmativ­e action.

“California is rapidly changing,” she said. “This is going to pass eventually.”

 ?? NO ON 16 ?? California voters defeated Propositio­n 16, which would have repealed a 24-year-old amendment to the state constituti­on that bans affirmativ­e action. Opponents of Propositio­n 16 contend that the propositio­n could unfairly penalize groups, such as Asian Americans, who deserve university admissions and public jobs based solely on merit.
NO ON 16 California voters defeated Propositio­n 16, which would have repealed a 24-year-old amendment to the state constituti­on that bans affirmativ­e action. Opponents of Propositio­n 16 contend that the propositio­n could unfairly penalize groups, such as Asian Americans, who deserve university admissions and public jobs based solely on merit.

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