Westside Eagle-Observer

Moore followed the Constituti­on as a judge

- By Harold Pease, Ph.D

I am as troubled by a 70-year-old man becoming a U.S. Senator who allegedly attempted to seduce a 14 year-old-girl 38 years ago as I am with allegation­s of “me too” women alleging something similar. Thus far, proof of these accusation­s is not conclusive. And I question the timing — just before an election — which potentiall­y disrupts the balance of power in the Senate.

Moreover, this seems like the same movie that I watched on others the left wanted to destroy, notably Clarence Thomas and Donald Trump, while John F. Kennedy and Bill Clinton, whom the left solidly supported, both had sexual relations with an intern in the White House. So I avoid rushing to judgment on Moore until conclusive evidence is available.

Unfortunat­ely, no one is writing about Roy Moore as the judge who used the Constituti­on to defend the Ten Commandmen­ts and the Defense of Marriage Act, issues which made him indisputab­ly the most hated judge in America by the left. That hatred began when Moore, a newly-elected circuit judge, placed a wooden plaque of the Ten Commandmen­ts on the wall of his courtroom. This and his practice of having pre-session prayer in his courtroom asking for divine guidance for jurors in their deliberati­ons resulted in non-Christian hatred toward him.

His designing and placing a monument of the Ten Commandmen­ts in front of the Alabama Supreme Court building amplified such. The ACLU successful­ly sued to have it removed. Moore refused on the basis that the Ten Commandmen­ts are the “moral foundation” of U.S. law, stating that in order to restore this foundation, “we must first recognize the source from which all morality springs … the sovereignt­y of God.” For this, he was removed from his judgeship.

His defense of the Defense of Marriage Act was the second unpardonab­le sin for the left. In state after state, the Act defining marriage as between a man and a woman was passed. Likewise, in state after state, after passage, nonelected federal appellate judges ruled same-sex marriage to be constituti­onal, reversing the will of the majority. Justice Moore gave the constituti­onal argument in favor of the Defense of Marriage Act when he wrote that the U.S. Constituti­on gives no jurisdicti­on whatsoever to any branch of the federal government to dictate marriage policy to the states and advised Alabama Governor Robert Bentley to disallow county clerks from issuing samesex marriage licenses.

In a hand-delivered letter to Governor Robert Bentley on Jan. 27, 2015, Justice Moore argued that “nothing in the United States Constituti­on grants the federal government the authority to redefine the institutio­n of marriage” and that it decidedly trumps Alabama state law, more specifical­ly the Sanctity of Marriage Amendment passed in 2006 by 81 percent of her voters. Moreover, “44 federal justices have imposed by judicial fiat same-sex marriages in 21 states of the Union, overturnin­g the express will of the people in those states.” This he called judicial tyranny, which he defined as “unlawful opinions issued without constituti­onal authority.” He referred to the misuse of more recent interpreta­tions of equal protection, due process and full faith and credit concepts, as “specious pretexts” not part of the original document.

When the Founding Fathers created the Constituti­on they recognized two coexisting government­s known as Federalism: one, the federal government, to function primarily externally, the other, the states, to manage internal functions. Like a normal marriage they functioned — neither being master nor slave. Of the two, only the federal government was restricted in its functions by a list of 17 specific powers found in Article I, Section 8. The Founders knew that all central government­s like to grow. The states were left unrestrict­ed and all power not identified was intentiona­lly left to them and lesser government­s.

To make doubly certain that this limitation on the federal government was permanent, the States insisted on a Bill of Rights as a condition of their acceptance of the Constituti­on. Amendment 10 of it reads, “The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constituti­on … are reserved to the states respective­ly, or to the people.”

Unfortunat­ely for advocates of federalizi­ng “loving relationsh­ips,” the word marriage, or anything like unto it, is not in Section 8, nor has it been added to the Constituti­on by way of amendment through Article V, which is the process for change, and thus this issue is devoid of federal constituti­onal authority. If we are to follow the Constituti­on as intended, and not make a mockery of it, marriagere­lated questions are state functions alone and cannot be moved to a federal jurisdicti­on without a three-quarters affirmativ­e vote of the states as per Article V of the U.S. Constituti­on. Alabama has every constituti­onal right not to issue marriage certificat­es to same-sex couples.

Judge Moore knows and honors the Constituti­on as understood by its Founders, resulting in his having many enemies. Is that hatred enough to fabricate child sexual assault stories never before mentioned? Quite possibly! Many of us still believe that a man is innocent until proven guilty. So until then, we should support Mr. Moore. The left has a long history of giving a pass regarding the personal conduct of its favorites but will bring quick attention to anyone else alleged doing something similar, more especially if it changes the Senate to its favor and disrupts the Trump agenda.

Harold Pease is a syndicated columnist and an expert on the United States Constituti­on. To read more of his weekly articles, visit www.LibertyUnd­erFire.org. Opinions expressed are those of the author.

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