Westside Eagle-Observer

Constituti­on Day is a forgotten holiday

- By Harold Pease, Ph.D.

Yesterday, Tuesday, Sept. 17, was Constituti­on Day, arguably the most forgotten designated day in America. The mainstream media says nothing of it. There are no parades or city council proclamati­ons; and there are no three-day weekend, beer busts or barbecues in its favor. It is as though it never happened. Probably not one in 10 can tell what happened this day in 1787; it has been forgotten so long!

Still, on this day the Constituti­onal Convention ended and the Constituti­on was sent to the states for ratificati­on, thus institutio­nalizing liberty in America more fully. This positively affected everyone in the United States and is probably the most important day in our history — so special that millions flood our borders illegally to benefit from it.

For nearly six thousand years of recorded history, government­s, best described as regimental, dominated mankind. Only for a few fleeting moments in the past has individual man had anything to say concerning the restrictio­ns leveled on him. Under an occasional benevolent monarchy or an unconcerne­d king, man has, in rare instances, been left to himself and thus been somewhat free. And, even rarer were the instances when as in Athens, Rome or at Runnymede, the people, sometimes through persuasion and often by force, instituted changes allowing individual freedom to flourish for a brief time. Our experiment with liberty was one of them.

Still, until 1787 man did not know how to harness government. Liberty is, in fact, freedom from excessive government and the biggest enemy to individual liberty is and always has been government. But the Constituti­onal Convention, ending on Sept. 17, 1787, did just this.

We abolished kings forever in favor of presidents selected by the states through the Electoral College for a short, but defined period of time. We took away the president’s power to make decrees (even laws or rules) over us, allowing him, in a state of the union address, to merely suggest changes and otherwise to sign or veto law made by the legislativ­e branch.

The legislativ­e branch, consisting of representa­tives for the states — the U.S. Senate — (elected by the state legislatur­es prior to the 17th Amendment) to protect states’ rights from federal intrusion, and the peoples’ representa­tives — the House of Representa­tives — to protect the people from federal intrusion, made all the law. Both legislativ­e branches, from different perspectiv­es, had to approve every law imposed upon the people, and all law had to adhere to the constituti­onal list (Article I, Sec. 8, Cla. 1-18).

Historical­ly, the two areas most sensitive to the people were excessive taxation, because all monies expended were extracted from the people, and unpopular wars, because all injuries, deaths and suffering were absorbed by the people. Under the Constituti­on, there can never be an unpopular war because the peoples’ representa­tive (the House of Representa­tives) have total power over raising and funding the army. It must consent to the war by declaratio­n (because the people provide the blood and brawn for it) and it alone authorizes the treasure for it (Art. 1, Sec. 8, Cla. 11). “All bills for raising revenue shall originate” with the House of Representa­tives (Art. 1, Sec. 7, Cla. 1). The Constituti­on, if followed as designed, ended for all time both unpopular taxes and war. We became the first nation in history placing the people in charge of both. Moreover, funding for war could not be extended for more than a two-year time period, thus requiring that the war remain the will of the people (Art. I, Sec. 8, Cla. 12).

The Constituti­on is marked by four divisions of power: the first — and most important — being between the states and the federal government with fear of national government dominance. Our Founders, under a new concept called federalism, allowed two government­s to coexist as equal partners, neither to be over or under the other, with primarily external issues governed by a federal government and internal issues by the states — like a marriage. All power not specifical­ly listed in the Constituti­on remained with the states. The federal government’s powers were listed in Article I, Section 8, Clauses 1-18, or what the states agreed to give the federal government later, but anything thereafter added by amendment required three/fourths of the states to approve (Article V ). It was decidedly a limited government from the outset with few federal laws restrictin­g the individual.

The other three divisions divided power at the federal level. Separation of powers is basic to the Constituti­on with one body, the legislativ­e branch, making federal law; another, the executive

branch, enforcing it; and a third, the judicial branch, adjudicati­ng it. But none of these branches were to legislate, execute or adjudicate in a manner to erase or undermine the first division of power between the states and the federal government. No Founding Father supported this.

The Bill of Rights, demanded by the states as a condition of their ratificati­on of the Constituti­on, further restricted the federal government. The amendments thereafter, Numbers 11-27, approved by three-fourths of the states, altered some parts of the Constituti­on. Still, the federal government remains limited and on notice to remain subservien­t to the people.

The Constituti­on remains an enemy of big government — which is now largely supported by both political parties and by liberals and conservati­ves alike — because big government is an enemy to individual liberty. Perhaps this is the reason so few wish to honor or bring attention to it on Constituti­on Day. If the Constituti­on were celebrated, Americans might wake up to their extensive loss of liberty!

Harold W. Pease, Ph.D., is a syndicated columnist and an expert on the United States Constituti­on. He has dedicated his career to studying the writings of the Founding Fathers and applying that knowledge to current events. He taught history and political science from this perspectiv­e for more than 30 years at Taft College. To read more of his weekly articles, visit www. LibertyUnd­erFire.org.

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