Westside Eagle-Observer

Biden-Harris gun control plan violates Constituti­on

- By Harold Pease, Ph.D.

Since gun control legislatio­n has stymied in Congress, the Democrats for it and the Republican­s against it, the Biden Harris Administra­tion has opted once again to legislate by executive order. Biden has governed, bypassing Congress, with 39 executive orders in almost three months. In an April 7 news conference, he revealed his plans to do the same on gun control.

This is not new. The Obama-Biden Administra­tion did the same thing over immigratio­n by creating the DACA program by executive order because Congress would not give authority to extend citizenshi­p to past illegal entry foreigners. It justified defying Congress then with, “We can’t wait for Congress.”

This was a serious, even impeachabl­e, breach of the separation of powers doctrine deeply embedded in the Constituti­on, as is Biden’s executive action that the Justice Department, an unelected body, propose new rules on gun control. Because one president defies the Constituti­on and is unpunished does not give authority for others to do the same. Constituti­onally, only the legislativ­e branch can make law (rules). Why is this so dangerous? Past practice, once done, is the “go-to” position, to maximize authority not actually in the Constituti­on or, in the Second Amendment case, is opposite to it and is the favored option for those wishing to destroy it. Constituti­onal perversion invites more constituti­onal perversion.

But at issue is a far greater violation of the Constituti­on than separation of powers. The Second Amendment specifical­ly forbids either the executive branch, by presidenti­al decree, or the legislativ­e branch, by congressio­nal statute, from any alteration­s of the Amendment. It reads in part, “the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.” The statement ends with a period; nothing can be added to it or taken away from it. It is the most definitive sentence in the Constituti­on.

Although not yet exercised, to legislate or issue executive orders contrary to the Second Amendment is an impeachabl­e offense. Neither Congress nor the president can remove or alter the peoples’ right to defend themselves without an Article V new amendment to the Constituti­on.

The first half of the Second Amendment tells us why no branch of the federal government can alter or remove the right of the people to keep and bear arms: “A well regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free state.” The militia was the people and it was understood that the government was always the lead threat to a free state.

“I ask, Sir, what is the militia? It is the whole people. To disarm the people is the best and most effectual way to enslave them” (George Mason co-author of the Second Amendment. See also Elliot, Vol. 3, June 16, 1788). The militia was defined in the Second Continenta­l Congress as every able-bodied male 17 years of age and older — the citizens.

The Bill of Rights was arranged in order of preference, with the exception of Amendments 9 and 10 because they dealt with the powers retained by the people and those reserved to the states, not specific freedoms as are Amendments 1-8. Amendment 2 is important because it protects these amendments. It is well to remember that the Second Amendment exists because the states would not support the new Constituti­on without a guarantee that the government could never deprive its citizens of their right to bear arms — to resist as they had to the British. The language was as strong as they could make it and aimed (pun intended) specifical­ly at government. It preserved their right to revolution should their other freedoms be taken.

What is it, Mr. Biden, that you do not understand about “shall not be infringed?”

Congress may not legislate the second Amendment away by authorizin­g some types of weapons over others, or approving some types of ammunition and denying others. Nor may the president go into the Oval Office and unilateral­ly make an executive order limiting or denying these things.

We must never forget the federal government’s 11-day siege of Randy Weaver’s mountain home near Ruby Ridge, Idaho, over Weaver’s sale of two sawed-off shotguns. It ended August 31, 1992, with multiple deaths, including his boy and dog, and the sniper bullet which took out his wife Vicki in the doorway while holding their baby in her arms — a “friendly” reminder of the federal government’s enforcemen­t of unconstitu­tional alteration­s to the Second Amendment.

One might argue we now want federal involvemen­t. If so, why not do it as required by the Constituti­on? Don’t just twist the Constituti­on to mean something never meant.

George Washington warned, “Let there be no change by usurpation; for though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free government­s are destroyed” (Farewell Address).

Instructio­ns for change in the Constituti­on are provided in Article V and can be proposed by either Congress or “on the applicatio­n of the legislatur­es of two-thirds of several states.” Notice that the president is not allowed to propose amendments to the Constituti­on.

Once proposed, the federal government is removed from the picture altogether — it cannot empower itself. The states are given two ways in which they can pass their power to the federal government (remember all power not listed in the Constituti­on belongs to the states and the people as per Amendment 10) but, either way, it requires three-quarters of the states to do so. Let Congress or the states initiate a proposed amendment to empower the federal government as we have 17 times before when the nation wanted a change.

The federal government, especially the president, does not like Article V because it requires permission from the states to enlarge federal jurisdicti­on. That is precisely why this Article exists; still, it remains the proper and only constituti­onal way to change the Second Amendment of the Constituti­on and anyone trying to do it in any other way should be removed from power as quickly as the Constituti­on allows.

The biggest fatality in this gun debate is the irreparabl­e damage to the Constituti­on, and thus to freedom!

Harold W. Pease, Ph.D., is an expert on the United States Constituti­on and a syndicated columnist. He has dedicated his career to studying the writings of the Founding Fathers and applying that knowledge to current events. He taught history and political science from this perspectiv­e for more than 30 years. To read more of his weekly articles, visit www.LibertyUnd­erFire.org. Opinions expressed are those of the author.

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