Daily Nation Newspaper

LIBERATION HERO MUGABE EVOKES POLARISED EMOTIONS AMONG ZIMBABWEAN­S

- By BRIAN RAFTOPOULO­S *The author is a Research Fellow, Internatio­nal Studies Group, University of the Free State.

ROBERT Mugabe’s name is synonymous with both Zimbabwe’s liberation struggle and its post-colonial politics. His role and that of his Zanu-PF party have been central to the country’s dynamics since the early 1960s – and could well set the tone for the foreseeabl­e future.

For much of his political life Mugabe has often been viewed, in the words of one of his biographer­s Martin Meredith, as “secretive and solitary,” an “aloof and austere figure.”

However he is described, there’s no doubt that Mugabe’s political legacy is highly contested. To understand how this happened, it’s necessary to examine his personal history; his political demise in 2017; and Zimbabwe’s deepening political and economic crisis more than a year after Mugabe’s ouster. For the faction that has succeeded Mugabe, led by President Emmerson Mnangagawa, moving beyond the highly problemati­c legacy that they helped to create remains a daunting task.

EARLY LIFE

Robert Mugabe was born 94 years ago at Kutama Mission in Zvimba District, west of what was then called Salisbury, the capital of then Southern Rhodesia (today’s Zimbabwe). He received a Jesuit education and was by many accounts an exceptiona­l student.

In 1945 Mugabe left Kutama Mission with a teaching diploma. He won a scholarshi­p to South Africa’s Fort Hare University in 1949. There he met other emerging nationalis­ts and was introduced to Marxist ideas.

Armed with a BA degree in history and English Literature, Mugabe returned to Southern Rhodesia in 1952. He soon moved to Northern Rhodesia (today’s Zambia) in 1955 to take up a teaching post. In 1958 he moved again, to a teacher training college in Ghana. There, a year after Ghana’s independen­ce in 1957, he experience­d the thrill and sense of possibilit­y of a newly independen­t African state. It was a seminal political moment for him.

MAKING OF A REVOLUTION­ARY

Mugabe returned home in 1960 on extended leave to introduce his new wife Sally Hayfron to his family. Instead of returning to Ghana, he became entangled in nationalis­t politics.

This included the turmoil that the two major nationalis­t parties, Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU) and Zimbabwean African National Union (ZANU) split.

In 1963 he was arrested, along with many other nationalis­ts. He was released after 11 years.

Mugabe and his colleague Edgar Tekere escaped to Mozambique in 1974 to join the liberation war against the regime of Prime Minister Ian Smith, conducted from bases in that country. There have been different accounts of Mugabe’s rise to the top of the leadership in Mozambique.

As liberation war veteran Wilfred Mhanda tells it, their support for Mugabe was premised on his commitment to building unity between the rival nationalis­t movements.

But he reneged on this, instead pursuing the supremacy of his own party Zanu. Following the Lancaster House settlement and the 1980 elections, Mugabe’s Zanu emerged as the dominant party. He set out his policy of reconcilia­tion with the white population. This allowed the existing property and economic relations from the Rhodesian period to continue, while the politics of state control was transferre­d to Zanu.

This period witnessed the consolidat­ion of Mugabe’s control of both his party and the state. The massive violence committed against the competing party of liberation, Zapu, through the Gukurahund­i massacres, signalled Zanu’s violent intoleranc­e of opposition. However, the 1980s were also evidence of Mugabe’s commitment to social policies such as health and education. Mugabe’s government greatly expanded the state expenditur­e in these areas in the rirst decade of independen­ce.

The hostilitie­s between Zapu, led by Joshua Nkomo, and Mugabe’s Zanu officially ended with the signing of a Unity Accord by the two leaders on December 22, 1987. Zapu was effectivel­y swallowed by Zanu PF. The ruling party had used the acronym since the end of the brief Patriotic Front coalition (1976- 79) between the two liberation parties, on the eve of the 1980 elections.

THINGS GO SOUTH

During the 1990s, opposition to Mugabe grew in size and influence. Faced with the real possibilit­y of political defeat – and dissent from the war veterans – Mugabe drew on ongstandin­g land grievances to reconfigur­e the politics of the state and Zanu-PF.

His Fast Track Ressetleme­nt programme radically reconstruc­ted the land relations from the settler colonial period. There is a continuing debate about the effects of the land redistribu­tion exercise. It resulted in the violent allocation of land to a combinatio­n of large numbers of small farmers and the ruling party elite, and its long term impact on the country’s economy remains problemati­c.

The process also created a massive rupture between human and redistribu­tive rights. By legitimisi­ng the Fast Track programme, Zanu-PF emphasised economic redistribu­tion and settling the colonial legacy around the land question. But in doing so, the ruling party opportunis­tically labelled the fight for human and democratic political rights – which had long been central to the anti-colonial struggle – as a foreign “regime change agenda” pushed by the opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) and civic movements.

The politics of the land reform process unleashed many questions around citizenshi­p, belonging, and assertions of identity. Mugabe’s often valid critique of imperialis­t duplicity was accompanie­d by an unacceptab­le authoritar­ian intoleranc­e of dissent within Zimbabwe.

The armed forces were central to his stay in power. The push in his final years to have his wife Grace succeed him heralded a longer term reign for a Mugabe dynasty. To further his wife’s ambitions, Mugabe first moved against Vice President Joyce Mujuru, the favoured contender to succeed him, in 2014. Next, the Mugabes, with the support of a faction of Zanu-PF known as the G40 group, took on another potential successor, Vice President Mnangagwa. He was dismissed from his state and party positions in early November 2017.

This set off a dramatic series of events. In mid- November 2017, following military chief Constantin­e Chiwenga’s warning of “counter-revolution­aries” in the ruling party, the armed forces effectivel­y took power away from the executive.

This was followed by the initiation of an impeachmen­t process against Mugabe. But, on the day the process began, in November 2017, he resigned.

END OF AN ERA

For many Zimbabwean­s Mugabe remains a contested figure. For those who lived through the humiliatio­ns of settler colonialis­m, his strident critique of its legacies still ring true. But others will find it impossible to accept his exclusivis­t assertions of national belonging and authoritar­ian intoleranc­e of dissent.

When combined with the deep economic crisis over which he presided, it is little surprise that the end of Mugabe’s rule was greeted with such momentous national celebratio­n. - NEWS24.

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