NewsDay (Zimbabwe)

Zim farmer’s long ride for justice

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WHEN Ben Freeth headed west on horseback from the derelict Mount Carmel farm near Chegutu in Zimbabwe on November 28, he had to lay low. For about 800km, Freeth avoided roads and stuck to the bush, following game paths where he could, while scouting the droughtstr­icken land for water and grazing for his horse, Tsedeq.

It was only after he crossed the border into Namibia’s Caprivi Strip at the Kazungula border post that he could relax, stop fearing attack from forces despatched by the Zimbabwean government and publicise the reason for his slow journey to Windhoek — a bid to have the suspended Southern African Developmen­t Community (Sadc) Tribunal re-establishe­d.

Staying off the beaten path was not due to paranoia. Freeth is familiar with Zimbabwe’s State-sponsored violence. In 2008 he, together with his in-laws Mike and Angela Campbell, were tied at their farm by war veterans acting on behalf of former president Robert Mugabe. They were driven into the bush, beaten and tortured. Freeth, who had built a house on his in-laws’ land and helped run what was the most successful mango exporting farm in the country, suffered a fractured skull as a result.

The abduction and torture happened two weeks before the Sadc Tribunal was due to hear a case brought by Mike Campbell, later joined by 77 other applicants, against Zimbabwe. The case, which Freeth attended bandaged, battered and in a wheelchair, challenged the harassment, forced eviction of farmers and seizure of farms instituted by Mugabe in 2000.

In its unanimous decision on November 28, 2008, the Tribunal ordered

Mugabe’s government to protect “possession, occupation and ownership” of all the applicants’ farms, except for two, who had already been forcibly evicted. The State was ordered to pay them compensati­on.

Mugabe ignored the Tribunal’s ruling. Freeth and his family, including his children and the Campbells, suffered increasing harassment and threats until their homes and those of the farm workers were burnt down by war veterans eight months later. Freeth’s home was burnt down on August 30, 2009, with the Campbell’s home suffering the same fate two days later.

The disbandmen­t of the SADC Tribunal

Mugabe’s refusal to abide by the Tribunal ruling, with former South African president Jacob Zuma as a willing ally and his subsequent successful campaign to suspend the Tribunal at the Sadc Summit in 2011, has led Freeth to take the approximat­ely 2 000km journey to Windhoek, Namibia, where the Sadc Secretaria­t sits at the city’s Turnhalle.

The summit had effectivel­y disbanded the Tribunal by deciding not to reappoint the judges whose term of office was ending in 2010, nor replace those whose term of office would end in 2011.

“Instead of ensuring that Zimbabwe complied with the Sadc Tribunal judgments, the Sadc Summit sided with Zimbabwe which had begun a diplomatic attack on the Tribunal employing very weak legal arguments alleging that the Sadc Tribunal was not lawfully establishe­d,” wrote Moses Retselisit­soe Phooko and Mkhululi Nyathi in the De Jure Law Journal.

Then in August 2014, Mugabe, along with other heads of State including Zuma, signed a new protocol limiting the

Tribunal to only dealing with disputes between Sadc countries. Sadc citizens were then prevented from accessing it to deal with human rights violations should their own government fail to follow the rule of law, as has been the case in Zimbabwe.

In seeking to get the Tribunal fully reinstated, Freeth says his journey is about justice. “It is about justice throughout Sadc, protecting people and their property.”

Overwhelmi­ng support

When he arrives on March 18, Freeth intends to hand a letter to the secretaria­t requesting the Tribunal be reinstated. Buoyed by an outpour of support since he made his mission public, Freeth has asked people to join him when he rides into Windhoek. His 13-minute telephone conversati­on with GroundUp while he was riding along the road with his horse was twice interrupte­d by well-wishers, with one offering him food and overnight accommodat­ion.

The day of his arrival is not auspicious, but the day of his departure from the now ruined Mount Carmel farm in Zimbabwe was. It was 15 years to the day since the Tribunal ruled in favour of his late fatherin-law and other farmers.

Asked why he was going to Windhoek on horseback, Freeth told GroundUp: “You can sit at home and write a letter or email, which might get a response, or you can walk 2 000km to do it, which is more likely to get a response.”

The epic journey, he said, gave impetus to the cause, and since he had raised his head above the parapet in Namibia, it had “captured people’s imaginatio­n” and he had received overwhelmi­ng support. But amid the support, including in Zimbabwe where people in poverty-stricken rural villages he passed welcomed him and provided water they had themselves collected from wells two or three kilometres away, he has also been threatened.

On March 1, he received a call on his Namibian cellphone number, which was strange as he not given it out to anyone. “No-one knows my Namibian number,” he said. “They could only have got it from the service provider.”

Freeth received several calls that day from the same person. “He was using a lot of swear words and a lot in Afrikaans and kept asking: “Where are you?” and said “I’m coming to get you’.”

As a result, Freeth went away from the road for the rest of the day and followed the railway track.

South Africa’s complicity

In the face of the Sadc Summit’s dissolutio­n of the Tribunal, South African courts have had to make decisions pertaining to the human rights abuses in Zimbabwe and South Africa’s duties in respect of internatio­nal law.

The records of the North Gauteng High Court, Supreme Court of Appeal (SCA) and the Constituti­onal Court show a long and slow trek to justice that began, according to attorney Willie Spies, with Zimbabwean farmers vainly trying to get the Zimbabwean courts to enforce the Tribunal’s rulings.

Spies, who is Afriforum’s legal representa­tive and representi­ng Zimbabwean farmers in cases before the South African courts, said litigation in South Africa began in 2010 after farmers realised they were not making any progress in the Zimbabwean courts, as these had been captured by judges loyal to Mugabe.

An order by the High Court in Pretoria gave punitive costs against Zimbabwe for failing to enforce the Tribunal ruling to protect private land and pay compensati­on. This was upheld by the Constituti­onal Court in 2013. But with Zimbabwe refusing to acknowledg­e the order, the High Court, in 2015, attached a Zimbabwean asset that was sold on auction to pay the farmers who brought the litigation.

“That caused alarm bells to go off among Sadc leaders,” said Spies. Nine countries had signed the new protocol in 2014 which removed the Tribunal’s mandate to hear cases filed by individual­s against member States, allowing it only to hear inter-State disputes.

At this point the Law Society of South Africa (LSSA) and six Zimbabwean farmers, which included Freeth, approached the High Court in Pretoria to declare the Tribunal’s suspension and Zuma’s signing of the 2014 Summit Protocol unconstitu­tional.

The judgment handed down on March 1, 2018, saw them succeed, with one exemption, being that no causation between Zuma signing the protocol and the losses suffered by the farmers was found.

Spies said as the High Court judgment set legal precedent, it had to be confirmed by the Constituti­onal Court. The Constituti­onal Court judgment of December 11, 2018 stated it was “clear … that the President’s (Zuma’s) conduct, resulting as it did in a breach by South Africa of its obligation­s under an internatio­nal treaty as a State, was impermissi­ble under the Constituti­on, as irrational and unlawful”.

However, seeking the ruling on causation, the LSSA vs President of South Africa was taken to the SCA, which in May 2022 found causation between Zuma’s involvemen­t in scuppering the Tribunal, and the farmers’ losses.

South Africa then appealed the SCA’s findings in the Constituti­onal Court, with the appeal having been heard on November 7 last year.

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