NewsDay (Zimbabwe)

Drought tends to give indigenous food, mass markets a new lease of life

- Charles Dhewa • Charles Dhewa is a proactive knowledge broker and management specialist

WHILE droughts are generally associated with negative aspects like sluggish economic growth, they tend to be a blessing in disguise for indigenous food and African mass markets.

The same way COVID-19 raised the profile of local indigenous food and mass markets is the same way shocks like drought see many African consumers going back to their roots in terms of consumptio­n.

The closure of borders during COVID-19 caused many communitie­s to rely on their local food which they had ignored in preference for imports and processed food. Likewise, the El Niño-induced drought unfolding in southern Africa is witnessing an increase in the consumptio­n and trading of African indigenous food like small grains and tubers that have often been ignored in preference for wheat bread.

Indigenous food moving from the periphery to the mainstream

The drought-induced movement of indigenous food from the periphery to the mainstream is challengin­g and disrupting the long-held fantasy and perception that the only way to develop smallholde­r farmers is through integratin­g them into a few colonial value chains that are controlled by corporates.

African mass markets are grappling with increasing supply and demand of yams like taro (madhumbe) as well as indigenous fruits like nyii which apparently yield more in limited rainfall conditions. Demand for small grain foods is also on the rise including the processing and trading of cassava flour which has often been considered peripheral. The transition­ing of indigenous food into urban breakfasts, lunches and dinners is a powerful trend that has been happening quietly for many years but becoming more noticeable during shocks like droughts.

Increasing opportunit­ies for value addition

Riding on what is already happening, African policymake­rs can add more value to indigenous food by introducin­g mechanisat­ion to indigenous food systems. For instance, the kind of mechanisat­ion support given to the processing of maize and wheat should be provided to all indigenous small grains and tubers. So far, the value addition of indigenous food continues to be hamstrung by use of rudimentar­y machinery which does not produce the best quality required by most urban high-income consumers.

In countries where formal processing industries have been growing slowly and where some have collapsed, space has been created for SMEs to venture into value addition, but appropriat­e mechanisat­ion is missing. For instance, in Zimbabwe more than 75% of value addition now happens within informal mass markets dominated by SMEs.

From production, more than 80% of the produce from A1, A2 and communal farmers moves through informal mass markets where more than 75% of the processing happens within SMEs. This has created a close relationsh­ip between SMEs and mass markets that are good at aggregatin­g diverse commoditie­s. Tracking value chains from production zones into big cities shows how a lot of food processing is done by SMEs.

More than a dozen entry points to value addition of indigenous food

Despite limited mechanisat­ion, entry points to value addition of indigenous food have been increasing and include the following:

• Groundnuts shelling, roasting and salting into Mumhare as well as shelling, roasting and salting into Mutetenerw­a.

• Roasting and cooking of green mealies for sale.

• Breaking bulking — This is a very common value addition process. As commoditie­s move along value chains, bulk is broken from 90kg, 50kg, saseka, 20-litre buckets, 5l buckets, cups and single counting. Breaking bulk is a critical form of value addition.

• Packaging and re-packaging is another form of value addition.

• Processing into semi-finished products, for instance small grains into flour (hupfu) or chimera and maize processed into manhuchu or hupfu as well as popcorn into maputi.

• Read full article on www.newsday.co.zw

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