Sunday News (Zimbabwe)

Twin fears that informed and shaped the socio-cultural and political operations of the pre-colonial Ndebele State

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fighters when it left KwaZulu-Natal. There must have been men that were too advanced in age to take part in wars, further reducing the numbers of fighters.

Secondly, economic production presented a challenge where the population was small. The state could not be guaranteed continued economic survival when it did not possess the capacity to fend for its population. It comes as no wonder therefore, that the state countered the challenge through various military and sociocultu­ral strategies. Where military or political threat was identified one response that was adopted was to migrate to a safer place — beyond the striking power. Once across the Drakensber­g Mountains the Ndebele nation faced politico-military threats from the Zulu armies following the death of King Tshaka and his succession by King Dingane his brother and assassin who were keen to recover from King Mzilikazi Khumalo what they considered as stolen cattle. The Griqua, amaHiligwa/ amaLawu, were another source of military threat. These collaborat­ed with various Sotho tribes to wreak havoc on the emerging Ndebele kingdom.

The survival strategies that were adopted led to a series of settlement­s that were abandoned when military threats escalated. The Ndebele had about three settlement­s south of the Limpopo River (Vaal/Ezinyosini: 1822-1827; Magaliesbe­rg/Mhlahlandl­ela:1827-1832; Marico/eGabheni:1832-1837) at which they lived for five years each. Of course, the greatest military threat came from the Afrikaners in 1836-37, a time of military encounters that finally forced the Ndebele to cross the Limpopo and settle in southweste­rn Zimbabwe — a place they considered a safe distance away from the Zulu, the Griqua and their Sotho-Tswana allies and the Afrikaners (Boers).

At the same time, raids were undertaken with a view to boosting the population and thus quickly reach threshold figures to effectivel­y defend the state. Defeated tribes paid tribute in various forms including grain and cattle. Amakhubath­uli was a term referred to the large herds of royal cattle on the move (obviously so named because as they moved about they raised, ukukhuba, a lot of dust, ( uthuli). At the same time the term came to refer to the fledgling kingdom on the move as a survival strategy.

Bravery was rewarded while cowardice was punished. At a very tender age boys quickly engaged in games that prepared them for their future roles as defenders of the state. One such game with militawry objectives was ukubhaqa insema — that is target shooting a rolling tuber. Age sets were encouraged as these helped develop some esprit de corps that would come handy when men engaged the enemy — for example amalalanda­wonye as part of the Godlwayo regimental praises. We could go on and on ad infinitum but suffice to say there were several arrangemen­ts on the social, cultural and political fronts that were instituted in order to deal with the first twin fear and guarantee the continued political survival of the new state. Echoes of that fear reverberat­e to the present.

Let us now briefly deal with the second twin fear as it is this one that has a direct bearing on the topic under discussion. We have indicated that the initial population that came out of KwaZulu-Natal was not homogenous in ethnic terms. Even before the start of the journey there was reference to abeNhla people, the northerner­s, a term with both geographic­al and ethnic implicatio­ns. In the north, enNhla, resided Sotho-Tswana tribes and apparently included Sothoised Ngunis such as the Mahlangus, Mabhenas, Sibindis, Mgutshinis, Sikhosanas, Masukus (Phenyane), Mkwananzis ( uGawu, Masombukas, uMakhwenta­ba) and many others. These were considered to have cultures that posed a threat to Nguni culture.

What this meant was that Nguni culture was under threat from the very beginning and the situation was aggravated by the incorporat­ion of these very same people who it was envisaged would boost the population of the Ndebele State for purposes of defence and economic survival. Social discrimina­tion was then adopted to ensure the continued cultural identity of the Nguni. A core component of society consisting of the Nguni was created, a core or elite set apart to enjoy positions of leadership as village/regimental chiefs/ regimental commanders and controlled the institutio­n of marriage which, if not directed and circumscri­bed, would have seen the swamping of Nguni culture as happened with the Shangani and the Ngoni people of Zwangendab­a. As pointed out above, women were perceived as the primary players in determinin­g fostering, nurturing and safeguardi­ng cultural identity. Children grow up within iguma, the forecourt, a gendered section of the homestead under the exclusive control of women.

Foreign cultural influences would have entered the nation via individual households, through the socialisat­ion processes and activities of non-Nguni women. Language would have become the first casualty. Powerful stigmas were developed to enforce compliance. Nguni men found it a terrible social transgress­ion to marry outside the confines of Nguni ethnic margins. When, for some strange reason, a Nguni chief married a non-Nguni wife, that wife did not give birth the eldest qualifying son to succeed even if in terms of chronology he was older than the son of a Nguni wife. Circumscri­bing the marriage institutio­n and effectivel­y fencing it off with attendant social stigmas was meant to safeguard Nguni cultural identity.

There was a clear link or associatio­n between political power, economic power and enforcemen­t of social and cultural arrangemen­ts all sharing a single purpose, that of ensuring the continued existence of Nguni culture. Even when the political situation had changed the social stigmas lingered on. Even within churches such as the Brethren in Christ Church, Nguni men still preferred to marry within Nguni social circles. Wendy UrbanMead’s research (The Gender of Piety: Family, Faith and Colonial Rule in Matabelela­nd, Zimbabwe, 2015) which focused on the BICC, showed that this was the case.

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