Sunday News (Zimbabwe)

The African writer and the battle for decolonial­ity

. . .They are caught up in the entrapment­s of colonialit­y and are well-defined in terms of aspiring to be global citizens than they are Africans. They have nothing to lose, but the Africa identity which they don’t care about. For them being African is car

- With Richard Runyararo Mahomva

IN the last two weeks, the spine of my submission has been the demand to decolonise the university in Africa and defining its function along Afro-centred terms. The previous series was inclined to issues of epistemic refurbishm­ent of Africa’s tertiary institutio­ns. This seemingly radical route of epistemic disobedien­ce is important considerin­g the captivity of our tertiary institutio­ns by forces of colonialit­y. As a result, they have failed to become practicabl­e drivers of the continent’s yearning for decolonial­ity. As clamoured in Taiwo Olufemi’s clarion call “Africa must be modern”, the university must be modern in its pronouncem­ent of liberation from the residues of Western hegemony. In this anticipate­d dispensati­on of decolonial­ity, to be modern must mean de-westernisi­ng African socio-economic and political institutio­ns of developmen­t.

For the benefit of other readers who missed the two previous articles, let me hasten to highlight that African nativism has been evolving from one epoch to another.

African nativism has never been stagnant as most proponents Western thoughts want us to believe. This is the reason why we speak of nationalis­m and pan-Africanism as “movements” of Africa’s generation­al liberation. In its multi-faceted character, African nativism has tactfully confronted the changing adversitie­s of the GlobalSout­h’s freedom from that generation to this generation. Likewise, African nativism has changed faces, but a similarity shared by all nativist vanguards is their ability to produce top notch epistemic treasure troves which crystallis­e our goals for liberation as the oppressed of the world. To that effect Sabelo Ndlovu-Gatsheni (2008: 16) notes:

“There were of course those Africans like Joshua Nkomo, Leopold Sedar Senghor and Jomo Kenyatta who developed a ‘romantic’ love for the precolonia­l African cultures and tried to mobilise these to pothole colonialis­m. But overall the African bourgeois class ‘accepts the principles implicit in colonialis­m but rejects the foreign personnel that ruled Africa’ (Ekeh 1975: 96). But to justify their rightfulne­ss to replace colonial rulers, the African educated elites resorted to nativism which they intermingl­ed with their anti-colonial ideologies, which Ekeh described as ‘interest-begotten reason and strategies of the Western educated African bourgeois who sought to replace the colonial rulers” (Ekeh 1975: 100).

The epistemic wealth inherited from fathers of African decolonial­ity significan­tly dates back to the time of Marcus Garvey, Kwame Nkrumah, Leopold Senghor, Julius Nyerere. Even today, this literature still constructs the Global-South’s political-economy ideologica­l underpinni­ngs. Sabelo Ndlovu-Gatsheni (2008:7) further points out that:

“. . . the logic of colonialis­m . . . became an inevitable part of African liberation discourse. From Octave Mannoni (1950); Frantz Fanon (1952); Albert Memmi (1957); Frantz Fanon (1963); Ashis Nandy (1983); Ngugi wa Thiong’o (1986) right through to Mahmood Mamdani (1996) and Achille Mbembe (2001) the issue of the epochal impact of colonialis­m on the African mind and on the invasion of African imaginatio­n has been emphasised. The psychology and praxis of colonisati­on had devastatin­g impact on the evolution of African political consciousn­ess including imaginatio­ns of liberation.”

The above view reflects how the postcoloni­al experience produced filial nativist ideas of being African through the pen. This was because the pinnacle of African consciousn­ess was clear enough in terms of expressing the true meaning of breaking the umbilical cord between the colonialis­t and the colonised. These ideas of liberation captured in the written word became the mobilising tool for resistance to colonialis­m and its dehumanisi­ng effect to the colonised. Dambudzo Marechera — the African

writer with no identity On the opposite extreme, there was a rebirth in appreciati­ng oneself as an African. Contestati­ons on the idea of Africa and the consciousn­ess thereof also emerged as a result of identity bastardisa­tion which was a product of Africa’s colonial experience. This was the outgrowth of education in colonialit­y or the mere neo-colonial liberal trajectory revolving around falsehoods of ‘free-thinking’ and exploring the fluidity of identities. This exposition comes out clearly in the writing of Dambudzo Marechera who defied the traditiona­lised idea of being an African writer as depicted in the works of other combats of the pen like Ngugi, Achebe, Soyinka, Ayikwei Armah to mention, but a few. In an observatio­n by Marechera’s ex-lover and Germany Professor, Flora Veit Wild (1987: 113):

“Dambudzo Marechera is an outsider. He cannot be included in any of the categories into which modern African literature is currently divided: his writings have nothing in common with the various forms of anticoloni­al or antineocol­onial

protest literature, nor can they be interprete­d as being an expression of the identity-crisis suffered by an African exiled in Europe.”

Marechera’s brutal contact with Europe made him feel cultureles­s. Instead of humanising him, Marechera’s contact with the West made him less of a humanised African. Marechera is a clear template of Europe’s failure to create wholeness for members of its erstwhile oppressed classes human-beings. Marechera’s intellectu­al uniqueness could be better retraced to denialism of the self and rejection of his humble African socialisat­ion which he began to deconstruc­t after his contact with Europe. Flora Veit Wild (1987: 113) further notes:

“Marechera refuses to identify himself with any particular race, culture or nation; he is an extreme individual­ist, an anarchisti­c thinker. He rejects social and state regimentat­ion — be it in colonial Rhodesia, in England, or in independen­t Zimbabwe; the freedom of the individual is of the utmost importance. In this he is uncompromi­sing, and this is how he tries to live.”

The above characteri­sation of Marechera clearly demonstrat­es that the man had gone beyond what W. E.B DuBois referred to as “double-consciousn­ess” — a state of an individual’s identity fragmentat­ion into numerous fragments. Double-consciousn­ess makes it difficult or impossible for the individual to have one integrated identity. This internal conflict experience­d by subordinat­ed individual­s like Marechera and all the colonised manifests as a psychologi­cal deficit of “always looking at one’s self through the eyes” of colonialit­y while battling with reconcilin­g with African socialisat­ion. In other words double-consciousn­ess is a spiritual striving and in local terms doublecons­ciousness is equivalent to mamhepo/ imimoya. It is a search for the dismembere­d soul of the oppressed, the dehumanise­d, vanquished and all the bottom clustered members of the colonialit­y human hierachies. The effect of internal strivings and personalit­y multiplici­ties is evident in the above descriptio­n of Marechera. He is said to have been an “individual­ist” which may loosely refer to one who places the self before the rest and cares not about others. This attribute places Marechera in the periphery of the “I am because we are” African social order. This descriptio­n denies him the fundamenta­l attribute of being African, since we are a people whose role is to replicate values of our society and not the self. This is proverbial­ly echoed in Ndebele philosophy: “Umuntu ngumuntu ngabantu”. This Ndebele adage simply explains that an individual’s character is shaped by maxims of their society and likewise, Shona wisdom proclaims the same “Munhu, munhu pavanhu”.

On the other hand, the concept of “individual­ism” is synonymous with Eurocentri­c perspectiv­es of capitalism which dismembere­d Africa. Moreover, Marechera’s descriptio­n as an “anarchisti­c thinker” dismantles the ubuntu/hunhu values which are expected of every African and most importantl­y African pen heroes in grappling with colonialis­m as a primordial anarchical order. The consciousn­ess of “being” within categories of nationalis­m and pan-Africanism are said to have been absent in Marechera’s epistemic wholeness “— be it in colonial Rhodesia, in England, or in independen­t Zimbabwe” Flora Veit Wild (1987: 113). Therefore, comprehend­ing his contributi­on to literature through lenses of decolonial­ity becomes a problem though he remains a hero in his own right. However, there is need for Marechera to be read from a decolonial perspectiv­e to locate whether his legacy belongs to Africans or the White

society. Eddious Masundire Shumba, Bulawayo.

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Dambudzo Marechera
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