Sunday News (Zimbabwe)

How land reform transforme­d a small town

- Ian Scoones

MS: So what did you and Mhandu do? Cde Moyo: Like I said we decided to go and MAPHISA in Matobo District in Matabelela­nd South has transforme­d from its early days as a TILCOR (Tribal Trust Land Developmen­t Corporatio­n) growth point linked to the nearby Antelope farm estate. Like Mvurwi that I profiled in the earlier series on small towns and economic developmen­t, Maphisa is booming in the post land reform era.

Maphisa was establishe­d in the 1970s as part of the TILCOR attempt to create “African” towns in “African areas”, aimed at maintainin­g the dual economy, and racial separation, while encouragin­g economic growth in “African” areas. Mrs N, who was born nearby, explained:

“Maphisa was a forest. It was a grazing area for communal livestock. The place where Omadu Motel was located, was an aerodrome for the white farmers and those on the estate. In the 1970s, a white man called Fish was sent to address the local community about justificat­ion for building Maphisa township. He explained that Antelope dam and irrigation were going to create jobs and benefit communitie­s who would in turn invest at the township and grow rich. The chiefs and local leadership present at the meeting agreed and Maphisa was establishe­d”.

One of the early black shop owners, Mr T, recalled the beginnings of the growth point:

“In 1973 I cut down trees and built my shop. It started operating in July 1975, as the authoritie­s made it difficult for a black person to possess a liquor licence. In 1975 TILCOR drew a master plan for Maphisa, started clearing land and built three shops and rented these out. Four other private shops including mine were operated by teachers”.

Post-independen­ce these early growth points were incorporat­ed into the wider spatial planning approach for mixed developmen­t. The TILCOR estate was taken over by Arda, and for several decades Maphisa became intimately linked to the success of the nearby estate. Arda created opportunit­ies for outgrowers on 150 ha of the irrigation scheme, with plots averaging 1-2 hectares. Arda also began to build infrastruc­ture in Maphisa in the mid-1980s, including housing for workers and some general dealer shops. The Government also establishe­d administra­tive offices for various Government department­s at the time, and built the Hlalani Kuhle location with high density housing. The Arda irrigation scheme was central to the economy of the town, as it employed up to 8 000 people at the height of the 1990s cotton boom.

But through this period Maphisa remained an enclave, reliant on the Arda estate, and surrounded by large-scale commercial farms, owned by whites (although there was one black-owned farm belonging to Chief Ndiweni). These were huge ranches, supplying beef to CSC abbatoir in Bulawayo, and many with commercial gold mines on them. The impact of this largely white-owned farming-mining economy on Maphisa was limited. This all changed with land reform, with most farms taken over, and allocated to resettleme­nt land. With True. All of a sudden we heard helicopter­s coming from the side of Lusaka city new people on the land, Maphisa changed from an estate-linked enclave town to one serving the wider area, with a whole range of new businesses establishe­d. The decline of Arda though had a negative effect, as revenues from people working on the estate declined. In 2015 a new investment partnershi­p was agreed, with Trek Petroleum, a local company, taking over the estate operations, and investing substantia­lly in 12 new mobile centre pivot irrigation systems and 350 HP tractors, growing maize over 520 ha (including seed maize contracts with various companies). This highly mechanised operation has meant that new life has been injected into the economy.

New people, new enterprise­s Our enterprise survey in Maphisa showed that the local economy has grown since 2000, despite challenges. There are now six supermarke­ts (when before 2000 there were none), eight butcheries (from four), five hardware stores (from one), 10 bottle stores, some including “nightclubs” (from six), and more than 30 kombi operators. Plus today there are more welding shops, tailors, hair salons, service stations, car washes, internet cafes, photocopy/ typing shops, and EcoCash outlets.

There are now more people living in the town, and investing in property. The occupied high-density stands have increased from 223 to 1 118, while the medium density stands have increased from 121 to 498. Low density stands have not had such a take-up but overall the size of the town has increased significan­tly, and with this business activity.

Mr T, a local businessma­n and long-term resident in Maphisa, as well as A2 land reform beneficiar­y with 350 ha, explained the impacts of land reform on business:

“Land reform opened up more grazing land and opportunit­ies for livestock marketing. I have 80 cattle, mostly Simenthal crosses. I hire private transporte­rs who charge $40 per animal to Bulawayo, where I get around $800 per beast. I have just too many goats at the farm! Prices are good. I can get $50 per goat. The new cattle business is helping Maphisa to grow. For example, hides and skins are available for establishi­ng a tannery industry. Also, there are plenty of mopane worms. Value addition and packaging could be done here”.

Mr N was also born in the area, and has owned shops in Maphisa over many years. He establishe­d a large supermarke­t in 2012 to complement his four other shops, his transport business (he owns ten 30 tonne trucks), his mining claims, and mopane worm collection and sale businesses. He comments:

“The supermarke­t business is good — we are the leaders here at Maphisa. I employ 34 people. Yes, liquidity is a challenge that forces prices down. Zesa high tariffs are a concern too but plans are on to change over to solar power. We sell products to civil servants, Arda employees, irrigation outgrowers, miners, communal and resettleme­nt farmers and in transit customers. Up to 200 customers cross our doors per day”. Others have invested in shops more recently. Mr S for example comes from Gwanda, and worked in the civil service and then the diaspora for 20 years. His father had shops and he has invested in Yes, they took away some files, but they didn’t get much. However, we were worried a bottle store/night club in Maphisa, which opened in 2014. Mr S commented:

“Proceeds from working in South Africa, the UK and the US helped me to build the business premises over a five-year period. Some of the money was also raised from horticultu­re at the family’s six acre plot near Bulawayo. I also did buying and selling cattle as an additional sideline to raise funds. We employ four workers in the restaurant and two in the bottle store. Business is up and down at the restaurant­s. We managed to keep Zesa bills down in the restaurant by using gas and firewood for cooking. Electricit­y is only for lighting and fridges. Beer sales go up when Arda pays its workers but it is the miners that contribute a lot towards beer sales”.

Others rent shops from the council or richer property owners. Comrade M explains:

“From 2009 I have been renting this shop where I operate a butchery and food outlet. I pay $350 per month rent. I buy cattle for $400-$500 on the hoof after bargaining with the seller. I take the beasts to Maphisa Council slaughter facilities. I buy 2-3 beasts per week and sell meat to customers at $5 per kg. I prefer buying live cattle because after slaughter I gain from offal, heads and hooves. I used to sell hides to several buyers, who have since gone bust. The food outlet business is a strategy to increase turn-over of meat sales from the butchery. My wife supervises the business while I run around looking for slaughter stock. I also have a A1 villagised land reform farm, with 30 cattle. These support my business”.

Mrs N is a divorcee who stayed in Gutu, but was born in the area. She has been building a house in the location, and renting a shop in Maphisa. She sells hardware now, having shifted from a grocery store, which was outcompete­d by the new supermarke­t. She explains:

“I operate the shop on my own. We recently added an agro-vet section to the hardware. Our customers are local but we also sell hardware and livestock medicines to resettled farmers. To promote sales, we extend credit to those we know — based on trust. I used proceeds from the hardware to educate my children and to build my house. I also built another house at my parents’ home nearby”.

The growth of informal trading in Maphisa has been huge. The council rents out numerous stalls. Mrs N is a trader, and has been operating since 1986. Originally there were only nine stalls, but now there are about 20. The traders sell vegetables. These were originally supplied by the Arda estate, but now local farmers in the resettleme­nts supply them.

“We use cellphones to communicat­e and they bring the produce here. I also order at the Bulawayo market. When business is booming I go for orders three times per week. I pay $10 bus fare to and fro, or get kombis to go and bring our orders. Proceeds from the market have been critical in keeping the home going — purchasing food and groceries, paying school fees and council rates”. Small-scale mining as a driver of economic

growth In addition to changes in the agricultur­al economy, it is also changes in the mining economy that have affected Maphisa in recent years. Before, mining was formal and relatively large-scale, with compounds built in farms, with little contact with the wider area. In the past the Falcon Gold company used to run many of the mines nearby.

Today this has changed dramatical­ly, with many new mining operations in the area, establishe­d. Mr T, a bar owner commented: “There are now well over 100 black miners with licences here. Night life at the GP is alive due to gold miners”. Each small mine operation employs around 30 people in each mine, meaning there are substantia­l numbers working in the area, and purchasing goods and services in Maphisa.

Mining is not for everyone though. Mr S observes: “I would not like to go into mining — it is too much a game of chance. I know a guy who got 7kg of gold after mining for six months and he quit with his loot. Another guy has been mining for the last six years investing monies but reaping nothing substantia­l”.

From an enclave town, linked to an estate, created through colonial racial-based planning, Maphisa has transforme­d into a business hub linked to local economic activity in both agricultur­e and mining. The estate remains important, and especially since the injection of new investment from through the partnershi­p with Trek Petroleum. But it has a more diversifie­d base today, and like other small towns shows the opportunit­ies, but also challenges, of small towns in a restructur­ed economy. — Online

 ??  ?? File Picture: Agribank in Maphisa
File Picture: Agribank in Maphisa

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