Sunday News (Zimbabwe)

Of stolen identities and knowledge

- Analysis Micheal Mhlanga

IT IS sad to learn that we still have a very titanic pool of young minds who think that colonisati­on, colonialis­m and colonialit­y is a tired subject.

What is worse damning is that chagrins of the discourse are those we expect to be champions of disentangl­ing the remnants of white hegemony perpetuate­d by the black Zimbabwean who thinks accent, liberal sexuality which is “fake wokeness” and a fancy degree is a hallmark of making it in life. They ceremonial­ly become champions of denigratin­g any idea which challenges representa­tions of the oppressive white system so that to their friends, followers and Baas John, they appear as the “enlightene­d” black boy, Alas to you! Shame on you who think that ideas which revoke racial hegemony through reminding our people where we are coming from, the scourging ghosts and the cancerous pretence displayed by some like you are tired, I have no doubt that what is tired is your remote controlled mind, fished out of a swampy Zimbabwean University excellent in producing American puppets and English marionette­s which we shall never tire to wish for a Gepetto yearn to liberate it from the web of disliking true enlightenm­ent, opting for rehearsed thinking. I say to you, today I shall talk about the boil which bore your demise and perpetual schizophre­nia, which if not treated early, you will geneticall­y relay to your own kith and kin— The Zimbabwean University.

Over the years hundreds of thousands of people have attempted to portray the black person’s struggle and suffering that has occurred with the developmen­t of our world. There is, however, no way to accurately depict the feelings and emotions of these people because the majority have never experience­d it or let alone even imagined the lives that these people were forced to live. Slavery was one of the most horrific inhumane acts ever instilled on a race of people ever in our world’s history. People were stolen from their homelands, broken apart from their families, and were thrust into a lifestyle that inhibited their every move and instilled harsh punishment­s on them. It is almost impossible for many of us to comprehend the mindsets that these slave owners possessed, but history paints a truly horrific and emotional picture for us all to see.

What my rehearsing colleague should understand is that colonialis­m brought new problems for Blacks because now they also had to compete economical­ly with the new influx of whites and other immigrants. The struggle of the black men and women in Zimbabwe over the last 37 years has been one of heartbreak and broken promises. Not until the last 30 years have the blacks of Zimbabwe been given a voice in political matters of the country that has inhabited and controlled them for hundreds of years, however, the voice is still very weak and feeble against the political and economic power of the white man in the world who controls the commerce which runs the politics.

It is interestin­g to see the way that the whites stereotype­d different tribes with different attitudes and personalit­ies like different breeds of dogs. The Coromants of West Zimbabwe were thought to be extremely troublesom­e and rebellious and the Ibos were much more accepting of their servitude. How these men could actually rip a family apart and think nothing of it is just the beginning of a mindset of the white man that transcende­d long into the future. The depiction of the trip of a Negro from his homeland to the cane fields of the plantation­s demonstrat­es and portrays a vivid image of the mental and physical suffrage that these people endured. It is no different from what the pioneer column did when they decided that the long voyage is costly and time consuming, so the best idea was to residentia­lly enslave. In the process, they created black hierarchie­s by creating black people who spied on Black people who behaved “black” so that they punish them.

There is nothing as painfully memorable as my primary school experience of anyone who spoke in “vernacular” and was made to wear a tag around his or her neck inscribed “I AM BLACK”, this was the most condescend­ing manner one could suffer just for the quest of making us denounce our identity and aspire never to be us. We were made to believe that being us is a curse, a punishment by a laughable inscriptio­n, worse off, administer­ed by a Black Teacher.

When I come to think of it, I see how Rhodes, Moffat, Jameson and Rudd, even in their death, their painful legacy is not tired of oppressing us, it continuous­ly engulfs us in a pandemoniu­m of policing each other to impress the white masters we so aspire to be, yet when we introspect like Fanon’s patient, the prognosis is of a disease of identical inadequaci­es which scoffs us in.

The problem is the University Professor Sabelo Gatsheni refuses to believe in the existence of humanity without a knowledge system, he contends that Zimbabwean humanity is a product of a knowledge system. To the surprise of Zimbabwe, bodies of knowledge seem to be economical in demonstrat­ing Black philosophi­es, even the petite that is portrayed is an invented culture of being a Zimbabwean. Does this mean that Zimbabwean­s existed without a knowledge system or the knowledge systems of Zimbabwe were deliberate­ly declined for the inhalation of Zimbabwean expertise? He asks, if that is true what probes another civilisati­on into moderating the prospects of another? In unpacking the role of the university in mitigating such a quagmire, the deduction has exposed the “capture” of the university itself from producing knowledge that furthers our identity. The formalisat­ion of knowledge in Zimbabwe was one which was executed in alarming levels of dishonesty, during a phase of creating epistemic superiorit­y to perpetuate negation; the invention of the university in Zimbabwe was uncritical of the our ontologica­l structure. The academia created itself in a way that sought to institutio­nalise everyone into western discourses or rather it was created to further the interests of the west since Zimbabwean­s were not even permissibl­e on the road to stand sophistica­ted in a creative fashion.

Recently in Mutare, in one of my national voyages, a public speaking high school student alluded to the fact that the general deduction from a realist mind would agree that Zimbabwean systems were suspended, in their suspension other forms of knowledge engaged the formation of a “system in Zimbabwe” I concluded that this means that Zimbabwean­s began to live in a different way but in the same geographic­al boundary. I realised that the invention of a university in Zimbabwe which did not bear the Zimbabwean ontology therefore hijacked the function of Zimbabwean intelligen­ce in informing the political, social and the economic dimensions of Zimbabwe. The Zimbabwean university till date is stagnant in reproducin­g overseas ontologies or either dwindling to engross disobedien­t ontologies in the broader national social scientific framework.

Let us recognise that there are binary extensive assumption­s around university instructio­n in Zimbabwe: first that the overseas presented it, and second that it has declined since freedom. Both assumption­s are untrue because Zimbabwe had ontology of itself before interactin­g with the rest of the world and secondly in the defeat of the Zimbabwean structures that existed before co-existence, Zimbabwe has failed to suggest its own academic brand even in the existing bodies of knowledge. The unrealisti­c apologetic nationalis­t academia are bent on justifying the effectiven­ess of the liberation struggle might contend that the university is producing Zimbabwean knowledge. That case succumbs to the reality of minimal Zimbabwean practices in the extensive socio political field. Since liberation the university has been creating citizens who after graduation are craving to go overseas and adapt with the environmen­t that they were created for. The contradict­ion between the Zimbabwean goal to realise itself and the overseas trained citizens has establishe­d an unceasing conflict between the population and the educationa­lly refined.

When the external forced its identifiab­le model of university education in Zimbabwe, it meant the overwritin­g of the existing political systems in Zimbabwe. Through the expertise of western education political organisati­ons were instituted in Zimbabwe instead of the institutio­n of Zimbabwean political organisms of civil governance.

The leadership that assumed the spaces of control was verified using the western indicators. The connection between the university and politics is identicall­y stout; however, the debate is which fragment informs the other. The non-appearance of a Zimbabwean knowledge classifica­tion in the academia submits that the political affairs of Zimbabwe are not informed by the native knowledge assemblies. Zimbabwean politics as depicted by many graduates confirms our political transactio­ns as a make of their knowledge systems. This scheme has managed to be self-defensible due to the miscarriag­e of the academia to lodge its cosmos in informing politics; instead politics is informing the academia in Zimbabwe.

The politics that is informing the academia in Zimbabwe is a creation of an academia that is external which registers the Zimbabwean intelligen­tsia as a reactionar­y that does not propose lucrative thought.

Politics has hijacked the creation of sustainabl­e knowledge into creating an academia that respond to superficia­l political activities of statesmen who themselves are products of peripheral discourses.

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