Sunday News (Zimbabwe)

Are African Trade Arrangemen­ts rediscover­ing trade remedies?

- Gerhard Erasmus

THERE seems to be a renewed interest in trade remedies in African trade and integratio­n arrangemen­ts. They are debated and modified in Regional Economic Communitie­s pursuing deeper integratio­n, are discussed as part of the Continenta­l Free Trade Area (CFTA) negotiatio­ns, and have just been adopted in the form of a special trade remedies Annex for the Tripartite Free Trade Area (TFTA).

African trade specialist­s are also writing about them. What explains the interest in trade remedies and what is being discussed?

Trade remedies are trade policy tools that allow government­s to take remedial action against imports which are causing injury to domestic industries. They are divided into anti-dumping (action; countervai­ling duty measures; and safeguard action).

The fact that trade remedies feature prominentl­y in the context of policies on industrial­isation and economic developmen­t, can be part of the reason why African government­s now seem to consider them as necessary for intra-African trade and integratio­n.

In the context of the TFTA and CFTA negotiatio­ns the most problemati­c issue has been the inclusion of “flexible” trade remedies. The pro-flexibilit­y argument holds that trade remedies involve onerous discipline­s, sophistica­ted technical investigat­ions, and compliance with detailed World Trade Organisati­on (WTO) legal requiremen­ts.

Flexibilit­y is necessary, so the argument goes, to make it easier for most African states to implement trade remedies.

The counter argument says the real issue is about domestic capacity. Trade remedies are viewed as essential for preventing protection­ism and the abuse of discretion­ary powers.

Trade remedies rules (based on WTO discipline­s) must, therefore, be complied with. The measures should also be justiciabl­e.

It has been argued that flexibilit­ies (contingenc­ies) in trade agreements are justified because they avoid rigidity in respect of compliance with obligation­s touching on sensitive national policy matters.

The justificat­ion for their inclusion in trade agreements ultimately lies in the fact that their availabili­ty makes it easier for member states to comply with the applicable rules. Flexibilit­y should, as a consequenc­e, advance the formation of trade regimes in which rules are more likely to be respected.

Trade agreements often include other notions which may suggest flexibilit­y, (such as asymmetric­al obligation­s and variable geometry) but they need to be linked to specific outcomes and activities, such as longer implementa­tion periods or lower membership fees.

Ultimately all obligation­s must be complied with, even if they allow flexibilit­ies. The challenge is to agree on mutually acceptable formulatio­ns of the relevant provisions in legal texts. These discussion­s suggest that African trade arrangemen­ts are paying more attention to trade governance issues. This will require that basic design issues such as the relationsh­ip between existing trade arrangemen­ts are also clarified. In Ecowas, Comesa and the EAC the member/partner states have embarked on a path of deeper integratio­n.

They have adopted legal arrangemen­ts for customs unions, common markets, common external tariffs and single customs territorie­s. Their member states must have unified rules on anti-dumping and countervai­ling duties on goods imported from third countries. Thus, their legal instrument­s include provisions on closer institutio­nal and legal co-operation. They are also focusing on preferenti­al safeguards; regulating trade in goods among the parties only.

The TFTA and the CFTA follow a different route. They want to boost intra-African trade and do not aim at establishi­ng customs unions among the parties. In a Free Trade Area, the member states retain national powers over their own trade and tariff policies. This will include policy space over the use of trade remedies. Trade remedies measures are not compulsory; government­s may adopt them. And it must be noted that the anti-dumping agreement of the WTO does not regulate dumping, but antidumpin­g measures.

How does the TFTA deal with the fact that many of its members do have trade remedies laws in place?

The TFTA does not require that new laws must be adopted to reflect the trade remedies negotiated as part of the TFTA.

The fact that trade remedies measures are justiciabl­e is of particular importance. Access to an independen­t forum protects the rights of member states as well as private parties. This aspect touches upon a vital feature of modern trade regimes. By ensuring that trade remedies provisions are linked to an accessible dispute settlement regime, critical guarantees are provided. The fact that an independen­t forum will rule about the correctnes­s of trade remedies measures, increases the preparedne­ss of member states to join legal regimes.

Trade remedy regimes without judicial review is a contradict­ion. If judicial review is absent from the CFTA, unjustifia­ble protection­ist measures may follow; or the suspicion may exist that such measures are ultra vires the applicable rules and procedures. Judicial remedies must be available through domestic tribunals (where private parties can bring their applicatio­ns) as well as through interstate dispute settlement mechanisms provided by the trade agreements in question.

Many states face practical and capacity constraint­s. Their needs with respect to the implementa­tion of trade agreements are real and should not be ignored. The appeal for more trade remedies may, in fact, often flow from national capacity constraint­s.

Well-targeted practical responses and technical assistance are required to solve these problems.

Ideally such responses should be comprehens­ive in nature and build capacity in all trade discipline­s involving compliance with technical requiremen­ts and standards. The ability to reap the potential benefits promised by rules-based trade regimes depends on the capacity to play by the rules and to comply with the applicable standards. African trade negotiatio­ns and existing institutio­ns should generate more specific ideas on how to assist all member states to play by the rules.

Erasmus is an associate with the Trade Law Centre, is a capacity-building organisati­on developing trade-related capacity in East and Southern Africa.

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