Sunday News (Zimbabwe)

African politics of blood and belonging

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THERE is no piece of the African continent that is insulated and safe from this disease of politics and in politics, a malady that eats away the body-politic and makes meat of the national fabrics.

It has waged its ugly head in sports, turning games between teams into bloody skirmishes. It has shown its ugly behinds in commerce and industry, reducing the world of employment, work and opportunit­y into a site of pain, suffering and punishment of one by another.

It literally lives in government and political party offices in Africa and has severally turned politics into a true dirty game of violent promotions and demotions of some by others.

It has made itself into a silent religion whose catechism and ecclesiast­ics are fulfilled in the crucifixio­n of others on the cross of the bloodline and the elevation of some on the altar of ancestry, in the name of motherland­s and fatherland­s, real and imagined, manufactur­ed and invented even.

It has taken love away from the loftiest hearts and expelled peace from the most angelic minds, it brings Lucifer himself out of the holiest of them all. It dresses itself in respectabi­lity, presenting itself as sophistica­ted reason and elevated theory, hiding its primitivit­y and barbarism behind learned articulati­on. Like an experience­d demon it can hide in the Bible itself and conceal its ugly meaning inside national constituti­ons and polished policy documents. Like true witchcraft, those who practice and live by it deny it and claim not to know it, they may not even know that they live by it.

Like witchcraft again those who suffer it talk about it long and loud until they are accused of living by it and of playing its games. It is the dark sin which the sinners accuse the victims of. Like witchcraft it can be passed on from one generation to another, it is taught and learnt, and it can be internalis­ed and practiced so smoothly as if it does not exist at all. It normalises and naturalise­s itself, presents itself as common sense. Like true sorcery it feeds on hate and stereotype­s, it drinks blood and chews bones of the nations during the day. It has littered Africa with shallow mass graves of the hated and the defeated, from Rwanda to Cameroon and from Kenya to the Sudan. It finished off the Khoi and the San in South Africa, and fertilised the gardens of Boeredom with the blood of the many natives in the homelands and Bantustans.

Like all kinds of evil it robs philosophe­rs of wisdom and steals all clear vision from the prophets and the seers. It is the dark spectacles that make the world look really ugly and bloody. It has lived in the hearts of the elected and the anointed of Africa, making them vessels of Luciferic evil and hate.

It is the true Anti-Christ in that it never calls itself by its true name, it circulates with many nicknames and excuses, it is the disease that even doctors and healers die of because it works with pseudonyms and aliases, avoiding diagnosis, eluding descriptio­n and avoiding prescripti­ons, and so is it deadly. It is the criminal that refuses to come to his day in court, except when it enters the courtrooms pretending to be a lawyer, a judge, a magistrate, a prosecutor and an interprete­r of the letters of law, when it is the real crime and the criminal.

It is the obdurate corpse that insists on waking up every day it is buried and cremated, it beats the christs in resurrecti­ons and second comings, in eternal return. 2pac described part of it when he wrote of the stubborn and thorny rose that grew on concrete floors. Intoxicate­d with it, possessed by it and in possession of it even the best of African intellectu­als begin, not to speak truth to power, but to speak power to truth, and to silence it. and the mosquitoes and who lived in paradisal peace among the mountains and the glades of Africa. Mbeki was accused of avoiding national responsibi­lities in South Africa and trying to be the president of the whole of Africa by false pretences. Equally, Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana was accused of trying to be the King of Africa when he proposed a United States of Africa under one African government and leader, he was blamed for mistaking Ghana for the continent. Muammar Gadhafi was accused of the sorcery of trying to advance Arab colonisati­on of Africa when he revived the idea of a United States of Africa. So, in peace and in justice, how does one talk about tribalism without being tribal, in what accent and what grammar?

How does one kill tribalism without killing tribes, the people and their ancestral identities, their histories and languages? Chinua Achebe of Nigeria blamed the politician­s of Africa, those sly and slippery fellows of ours, they who condemn tribalism by the daylight and then by night they smuggle it back as an accomplice, political capital and a political resource to mobilise for power. Frantz Fanon blamed the African nationalis­ts and their African nationalis­m who divided rather than united people.

Nationalis­m created locals and foreigners, insiders and outsiders in one country, producing new enemies every day, new aliens until there was no single friend left and the country was a big cemetery of tribes. Nationalis­ts and nationalis­m, Fanon said, sold Africa to the lowest bidder in no other currency but “stupidity” itself. To kill hate and divisions, Fanon thought Africa should be left to its owners, the peasants and villagers not elite politician­s and middle classes who profit from disunity, war and chaos in monopolisi­ng power and resources in the name of this and that ancestor, the pretenders, they who relish on popularity and population­s not performanc­e and delivery. Many African thinkers have decried the Machiavell­ians who have turned democratic elections in Africa into ethnic population­s censuses, where one who has more tribesmen and tribewomen behind him or her becomes the winner even if they have no point or any performanc­e to their name.

What, then, must be done is the question? Masiphula Sithole opined that Africans should acknowledg­e that tribes and ethnicitie­s exist and share power and resources fairly and accordingl­y, because to ignore the reality of tribes is to be a tribalist denialist. Tribalism, in peace and in justice is not to belong to a tribe, to be proud of it and to speak the language, but it is to hate and to discrimina­te others along the lines of the tribe, it is to weaponise and instrument­alise tribal identity for political and economic advantages.

Our beloved Founding Fathers of Africa concentrat­ed on building parties and personalit­y cults and forgot to build nations out of different tribes, cultures and languages that would be different together and happy under one nation and one flag, singing one anthem. They opportunis­tically turned tribes into political factions and constituen­cies and thereby sentenced nations to division, war and slow death. Nation building, in peace and in justice, bringing different people with different histories under one nation in fairness and in justice is the national and continenta­l question in Africa. This requires brave and courageous leaders and thinkers of which we are blessed with, only political will is in want. Our brave leaders and wise counsellor­s must build nations and nations will build parties and persons in Africa.

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