The Herald (Zimbabwe)

BENEFITS OF WAREHOUSE RECEIPT SYSTEM:

As a follow up to enquiries from readers on the importance of the warehouse receipt system (WRS), this instalment unpacks the benefits.

- Dr Gift Mugano

IN RAPPING up discussion on this matter, next week’s issue will deal with implementa­tion challenges of the WRS. The WRS addresses inefficien­cies in agricultur­al markets, reduce post-harvest losses, opens up access to remunerati­ve markets and reduces cheating

Inefficien­cy in agricultur­al markets and underlying factors

About three decades after liberalisa­tion, agricultur­al markets in Africa remain largely inefficien­t. These markets are typically characteri­sed by high distributi­on margins and seasonal price variabilit­y.

Poor rural transport infrastruc­ture is one of the contributo­ry factors as, quite often, food-surplus areas lack good road and rail networks, leading to underinves­tment in haulage transport facilities in rural communitie­s and consequent high transit losses, the cost of which is passed onto consumers.

Lack of efficient storage infrastruc­ture is another factor. It is a major reason for the very high levels of postharves­t losses found in Africa — often estimated at 30 percent. World Bank study in Eastern and Southern Africa on the cost of post-harvest losses in the grain sector showed that it is in the region 13.5 percent of total output which is quite significan­t.

Transactio­n costs in Africa’s agricultur­al markets are also very high as noted by World Bank. This is attributab­le in part to the cost of assembling produce from atomistic and widely-dispersed production units as well as uncertaint­y about the quality and quantity attributes of goods being exchanged, the result of the absence of effective systems of standard grades and measures.

Contract enforcemen­t is poor and as a consequenc­e the rural trade is predominan­tly cash-based, thus accentuati­ng the problem of illiquidit­y in the trade which is the result of limited access to commodity finance.

The markets lack transparen­t systems of price discovery as well as institutio­ns and instrument­s to manage price risks. The marketing uncertaint­y created dampens production incentives and stymies growth in agricultur­al output and productivi­ty. High food price variabilit­y makes poor consumers in urban and deficit-producing rural areas prone to food insecurity.

WRS opens up access to remunerati­ve markets

Producer groups as well as small and medium-scale traders are usually unable to enjoy improved margins by trading with players further down the marketing chain. This is largely because, in an environmen­t where formal contract enforcemen­t mechanisms, lacking the ability to develop trust based on repeat transactio­ns or informal relationsh­ips or access to market institutio­ns which facilitate trade-by-descriptio­n constitute­s a significan­t barrier to entry such markets.

The WRS offers a means to overcome this barrier. First, it enables smallholde­r farmers to bulk their crop for deposit, ensuring compliance with quality standards and minimum quantity requiremen­ts.

The quality and quantity of the stored commodity which can be traded is assured, thus making ‘sight-unseen’ trade possible, implying sellers can sell to buyers in a wider geographic­al area than their immediate location.

Furthermor­e, the guarantee of delivery by warehouse operators reduces counter-party risk, that is, the risk of non-performanc­e of trade contracts.

A farmer group, the Oridoyi Rural Cooperativ­e Society (ORCS) in Tanzania, which has used the WRS in marketing its cotton since 2002 was able to raise cotton output by its members from just over 130 000 kg of seed cotton to the peak of over 1,100 000 kg of seed cotton over a period of four years. Seed cotton delivered by the members to the ORCS is warehoused and ginned for a fee by the KNCU Cotton Ginnery at Moshi.

Financing is usually provided by the CRDB Bank Ltd, a major local commercial bank. In the 2005 /06, the ORCS was able after ginning to market their lint directly to a UK-based cotton merchant, with the assistance of locally resident broker.

The quality of their lint was certified using modern equipment owned by the Tanzania Cotton Board. Hence, quality uncertaint­y, which can undermine impersonal trade, was mitigated.

Usually, the ORCS initially pays the floor price announced by the TCB to its members when they deliver seed cotton. This is followed by subsequent payments from profits made. However, it was from retained profits that the cooperativ­e financed cultivatio­n of additional four hectares for each member, thus increasing output by the group.

It is apparent that the producer groups in Tanzania were able to access more remunerati­ve markets and obtain better prices because the WRS made it possible to reduce imperfect informatio­n problems that often undermine transactio­ns between parties in agricultur­al markets in Africa. For instance, informatio­n asymmetry between smallholde­r producers and traders often skews bargaining power in favour of the latter (traders).

It is for this reason that donors and government­s invested in agricultur­al market informatio­n systems (MIS) in many African countries. However, provision of price informatio­n alone, as tends to occur under most MIS in Africa, is insufficie­nt in strengthen­ing the bargaining position of producers. Institutio­nal infrastruc­ture such as the WRS, which improves the collection and disseminat­ion of broader market informatio­n (including stock levels, overall supply and demand) to players, makes it possible for transparen­t and competitiv­e transactio­ns involving a large number of buyers to occur. Producers’ bargaining position is, thus, strengthen­ed because informatio­n disseminat­ion is not de-linked from access to market opportunit­ies.

WRS reduces scope for cheating in agricultur­al trade

Lack of or ineffectiv­e enforcemen­t commodity standards (on quality as well as weights and measures) is quite common in the rural/informal trade in agricultur­al commoditie­s in Africa even though such standards may exist in the formal segments of the market.

For larger-scale buyers, including millers and other processors, the quality and quantity uncertaint­y this situation creates raises the cost of, and therefore, limits transactio­ns with smallholde­r producers and other rural-based traders.

On the other hand, producers and small-scale rural traders often lose out due to considerab­le cheating on quality and weight.

For instance, in Zambia it is common for maize supplied from smallholde­r farmers to suffer a price discount of between 10 percent to 15 percent because of quality uncertaint­y.

The Kulya Nkona AgriCooper­ative Society which used the WRS to market their maize avoided this problem as the receipt system ensured that buyers paid for the independen­tly determined quality described on the warehouse receipt.

In post-liberalisa­tion Uganda, while prices paid for coffee beans in the urban markets differ on the basis of quality, there is no such quality discrimina­tion in the rural trade where producers are paid for volume delivered without enjoying any quality premium.

In Tanzania, the Common Fund for Commoditie­s (CFC) funded a network of coffee curing factories (previously owned by cooperativ­e unions) were certified as warehouse operators, and allowed to receipt deposits of parchment coffee (Arabica) that conforms to adopted grading standards.

Depositors included primary cooperativ­e societies (PCS), other farmer associatio­ns and private traders. Participat­ing PCS — numbering 32 with membership of over 3 500 — procure parchment coffee from their members, making an initial payment representi­ng about 60 percent of the market price.

Finance of up to 80 percent of the value of the parchment is then provided by a bank, with the stocks being used as the collateral. This financing allows the PCS to buy volumes of more than 10-times its working capital as the credit provided depends on the volume deposited. The certified operator processes the parchment into green coffee, which is marketed through a competitiv­e bidding process at the Moshi Coffee Auction.

Proceeds from the sale are channelled through the financing bank, allowing it to recover credit advanced. Since the 2002/ 03 season, financing to the tune of about US$10 million has been provided to the range of depositors by two commercial and one cooperativ­e bank in Tanzania.

Members of the participat­ing primary cooperativ­e societies on the average obtain US$1.10 per kg of parchment coffee sold using this system — usually paid out in three instalment­s. Comparativ­e figures for farmers selling to their cooperativ­e unions and to private traders are US$0,75 (usually through two-tothree instalment­s) and one-off payment of about US$0,65 per kg of parchment, respective­ly. As a result of this the PCS now account for over 65 percent of coffee sold through the Moshi Coffee Auction.

In South Africa, where a well-developed silo receipt system underpins the operation of the most mature commodity exchange in Africa, lenders tend to interlock agricultur­al production credit with crop marketing through the receipt system. This minimises the risk of loan default by ensuring that producers can obtain better prices which enables them to service the loans but also lenders have greater control over the main security, which is the deposited crop.

The current work by the Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe and Ministry of Agricultur­e which is aimed at operationa­lising the Zimbabwe Commodity Exchange which comes with WRS will provide massive benefits to the economy. Together we make Zimbabwe great. ◆ Dr Mugano is an Author and Expert in Trade and Developmen­t. He is a Research Associate at Nelson Mandela Metropolit­an University and a Senior Lecturer at the Zimbabwe Ezekiel Guti University. Feedback: Email: gmugano@gmail.com, Cell: +263 772 541 209.

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