Broader war brewing in West Africa
The establishment of US, French, and German bases across the region, in particular in Niger, Mali, Cameroon and Chad, near the locations of mining operations, oil extraction facilities and oil pipelines makes clear these military forces are enforcing territorial control over these strategic resources.
THE war being conducted in West Africa by the United States in partnership with its European counterparts — France and Germany— which was exposed by the killing of four US special forces soldiers in Niger earlier this month, is setting the stage for a much broader war in the region.
In June, France presented a draft resolution before the United Nations Security Council to gain funding for the joint military force. T
he terms of the UN authorisation would redefine the character and scope of the G5 Sahel proxy force led by France, giving it broad operational authority similar to the UN Force Intervention Brigade utilised against Rwandan M23 rebels in Eastern Congo in 2011.
In closed-door negotiations, Washington baulked at the resolution, saying that it would prefer the Security Council give its blessing in a statement instead of a resolution.
Behind Washington’s opposition to a resolution is concern that France may gain a strategic advantage over the US in the region, which is rich in uranium and other mineral deposits.
With its expansion of military operations across West Africa in recent years, Washington is seeking to assert full geopolitical control over the region. Lt Gen Kenneth McKenzie admitted last week that the US has 1 000 troops deployed across the countries which border Lake Chad: Niger, Nigeria, Chad and Cameroon. This military build-up has been done entirely behind the backs of the American people without any public debate.
Underpinning the strategic prerogatives of the American and French military forces arrayed across the region is West Africa’s significant deposits of minerals, such as uranium, iron ore, gold and diamonds, as well as vast oil and gas reserves, which American and French corporations are seeking to extract and yield significant profits.
Entering the fray is Germany, which announced late last year its plans to construct an airbase in Niamey to support its troops serving in MINUSMA, the UN mission in neighbouring Mali. The 10 000-strong UN force is made up of various contingents of troops from several Western countries, including The Netherlands, Denmark, Norway, Sweden and Italy.
AFRICOM, the US military command overseeing operations across the African continent, has established a base in Niamey, Niger, and maintains 800 special operations troops in the country. At the base in Niamey, Air Force personnel operate a drone surveillance programme capable of conducting reconnaissance missions in Niger, Mali, Nigeria and as far as Libya.
Several MQ-9 Reaper drones armed with Hellfire missiles, which the US uses to carry out its assassination programme, are also based in Niamey. The construction of a base in Agadez, a city in central Niger, will expand the drone programme’s capabilities, allowing for further-range flights.
In 2016 alone, Washington spent $156 million to train Chadian, Nigerien and Nigerian forces for the ongoing US-led offensive against Boko Haram in northern Nigeria.
Underscoring Washington’s ultimate concerns in West Africa, AFRICOM’s April 2017 posture statement noted: “Just as the US pursues strategic interests in Africa, international competitors, including China and Russia, are doing the same.”
Rather hypocritically, the statement raised the concern, “We continue to see international competitors engage with African partners in a manner contrary to the international norms of transparency.”
The establishment of US, French, and German bases across the region, in particular in Niger, Mali, Cameroon and Chad, near the locations of mining operations, oil extraction facilities and oil pipelines makes clear these military forces are enforcing territorial control over these strategic resources.
They are also seeking to use their military power to offset the entry of China into the region, which in 2012 hammered out agreements with the Niger, Chad and Cameroon governments to transport oil from the CNPC-operated refinery in Zinder, Niger for export, utilising the Exxon-Mobil-constructed Chad-Cameroon pipeline.
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