The Herald (Zimbabwe)

South Africa’s Zuma conundrum

The elaborate and detailed provisions dealing with the process and consequenc­es of the removal of a President have become not only of academic interest, but of vital practical significan­ce, now that the ANC has once again a president who is not the Presid

- Anton Katz Correspond­ent

THE process of the lawfulness of the removal and replacemen­t of the South African President are determined by the Constituti­on, the supreme law. The Constituti­on contains three, and only three methods to replace a person as President. Significan­tly, resignatio­n and/or recall are not mentioned at all. The first is the two-term limit. A term consists of the life of the national assembly, which is five years unless it is dissolved at an earlier point.

No person may hold office as President for more than two terms.

The second is what is called a motion of no confidence.

The third is removal, commonly known as impeachmen­t.

Different processes and consequenc­es apply to no confidence and impeachmen­t motions.

Any one of the 400 members of the national assembly may request the Speaker to place a motion of no confidence or impeachmen­t for debate and vote.

For a motion of no confidence in the President to pass, a majority of members of the National Assembly must support it.

If the motion succeeds the President and all members of the Cabinet, including the Deputy President must resign.

The Constituti­onal Court has stated that a motion of no confidence in the President is a vital tool to advance South Africa’s democratic hygiene.

It held the Assembly “is elected to represent the people and to ensure government by the people under the Constituti­on.”

A no confidence motion affords the Assembly a vital power and duty to scrutinise and oversee executive action.

The ever-present possibilit­y of a motion of no confidence against the President and the Cabinet is meant to hold the President accountabl­e to the Assembly, which elects him or her.

In effect, the people through their elected representa­tives in the Assembly would end the mandate they bestowed on the President.

The right that flows from the power of such a motion is central to the deliberati­ve, multi-party democracy envisioned in the Constituti­on. It implicates the values of democracy, transparen­cy, accountabi­lity and openness.

A motion of this kind is perhaps the most important mechanism that may be employed by Parliament to hold the executive to account, and to interrogat­e executive performanc­e, the Constituti­onal Court said.

In making these comments the Concourt noted that it is the National Assembly that elects the President from among its members.

In South Africa, unlike in some countries, the President is not elected by the citizens directly, but through the 400 members of the Assembly.

Once the President is elected he ceases to be a member of the NA.

Two consequenc­es of a successful motion are of interest.

First, unlike a successful impeachmen­t process, the President retains all the benefits and rights of a former President, such as the hefty pension he or she would receive, and may serve in public office in the future.

Impeachmen­t may and usually does have a different result.

Impeachmen­t requires two thirds of the members of the NA to support a vote.

This may only occur in three situations:

First, if he or she commits a serious violation of the Constituti­on or the law.

Secondly, if he commits serious misconduct.

Thirdly, if he is unable to perform the functions of the office.

Removal from office on the first two grounds of impeachmen­t results in the loss of all benefits of the President’s office. In an impeachmen­t situation, it is only the President who is removed, not the entire Cabinet.

The second feature relates to who takes over as Acting President during the President’s temporary absence or on the permanent vacancy of the office, either because of a successful no confidence motion or removal (impeachmen­t).

After removal, the Deputy President takes over and performs the function of the President.

If there is no Deputy President, or he or she is not available, it will next be a Minister designated by the President, then a Minister designated by the other members of the Cabinet, and in the alternativ­e, the Speaker, until the NA designates one of its other members.

So on impeachmen­t, the Deputy President becomes Acting President, whereas after a successful no confidence vote, it will be the Speaker because the entire Cabinet, including the Deputy President, must resign.

The NA must elect one of its members to fill the vacancy, at a time and date determined by the Chief Justice, but if the NA fails to elect a new President within 30 days after the vacancy occurs, the Acting President must dissolve the NA and a fresh general election must be held.

The elaborate and detailed provisions dealing with the process and consequenc­es of the removal of a President have become not only of academic interest, but of vital practical significan­ce, now that the ANC has once again a president who is not the President of South Africa.

Full article on www.herald.co.zw

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