The Herald (Zimbabwe)

Deficit of democracy in the opposition

On the democracy scorecard, Zanu-PF is leading the MDC Alliance by a mile. As we celebrate the first anniversar­y of the second dispensati­on in Zanu-PF and Government, one cannot help but peep into the goings-on in the MDC Alliance, which ironically is in

- Philemon Mutedzi Correspond­ent

ZIMBABWE under President Mnangagwa has opened up democratic space in the country since November 2017. As the country celebrates the first anniversar­y of Zimbabwe’s rebirth, there is reason to celebrate on the democracy scorecard.

The Second Republic has ushered in freedom of speech, freedom of informatio­n, freedom of associatio­n, freedom of conscience, all enshrined in the country’s extensive Bill of Rights. Probably the most telling indicator is the country’s renewed commitment to open up media space to the traditiona­l media and social media alike —Zimbabwe is open for media business.

However, the biggest opposition party in Zimbabwe, itself a key player in enhancing Zimbabwe’s democracy credential­s, has been found wanting. In fact, the MDC Alliance is guilty of upping the ante, pursuant to trashing all democratic principles — an issue that will be dealt with in-depth later.

Through the Ministry of Informatio­n, Publicity and Broadcasti­ng Services led by the triumvirat­e of Minister Monica Mutsvangwa, her Deputy Energy Mutodi, and Permanent Secretary Nick Mangwana, Government has been availing informatio­n to the public through the official Government Twitter handle. In addition, the post-Cabinet Media Briefings have provided both the Fourth and Fifth Estates with an opportunit­y to get first-hand informatio­n on Cabinet deliberati­ons, as well as ask pertinent questions on policy.

The inclusive and participat­ory trajectory Government is taking is exemplifie­d by the fact that the ministry will hold two defining consultati­ve meetings as it speeds up the amendment and realignmen­t of the country’s media laws with the Constituti­on. First, it will hold roundtable discussion­s with media stakeholde­rs, civil society, advertisin­g agencies and other interested stakeholde­rs end of November 2018. Secondly, it will hold a media stakeholde­rs’ conference as part of efforts to come up with an inclusive Media Policy. The ministry is also distilling key findings of the IMPI report that dovetail with the thrust of the new dispensati­on — which is to enhance the country’s democratic credential­s.

Zimbabwe’s harmonised elections were held in a peaceful, intimidati­on-free, free and fair manner. The Biometric Voters’ Roll eliminated ghost voters, while opposition political parties campaigned freely in Zanu-PF’s rural stronghold­s, a developmen­t that was taboo under the first dispensati­on. Miscreants such as Jimu Kunaka, leader of the defunct and disbanded Chipangano Terror Group, whom the opposition now celebrates as a beacon of peace and truth during the ongoing Motlanthe Commission hearings maimed and killed their own.

On the democracy scorecard, Zanu-PF is leading the MDC Alliance by a mile. As we celebrate the first anniversar­y of the second dispensati­on in Zanu-PF and Government, one cannot help but peep into the goings-on in the MDC Alliance, which ironically is in its second dispensati­on, following the death of Morgan Tsvangirai.

Nelson Chamisa usurped power and forcibly took control of that party before the body of Tsvangirai had been interred. Famed for his violence streak by close admirers such as Happymore “Bvondo” Chidziva, whose name ironically connotes violence, Chamisa is aptly nicknamed Wamba Dia Wamba. Wamba was a rebel leader in the DRC. He singlehand­edly trashed the MDC-T constituti­on, seized control of Harvest House, using his military wing, Vanguard, led by its violent commander, Shakespear­e Mukoyi, and silenced all dissenting voices such as those of Thokozani Khupe and Obert Gutu by jettisonin­g them out of the party.

During the campaign trail ahead of the 2018 harmonised elections, Chamisa constantly threatened violence if he was not declared a winner. What kind of democracy does not have winners and losers? In Chamisa’s warped undemocrat­ic thinking, there was no democracy, if any of the other 20 candidates were to win the election. During his party’s primary elections, Chamisa protected serving legislator­s from being contested as part of a devil’s deal for their support in his unconstitu­tional takeover of that party. He did not stop there, he gazumped smaller parties in the then shaky Alliance by taking over their allotted seats in the coalition.

Instead of conceding defeat after losing the democratic Presidenti­al election, Chamisa inexplicab­ly accepted the parliament­ary and local authority results, but cried foul over the outcome of the Presidenti­al election won by President Mnangagwa. At 11pm on July 31 2018, sensing defeat, Chamisa set the tone for the violent demonstrat­ions witnessed on August 1 2018, which resulted in the death of seven people. Chamisa partly tweeted that, “We won the popular vote and will defend it” — and “defend’’ they did, defending their loss by unleashing untold violence, arson and unpreceden­ted looting. If this is democracy, then democracy is a bad thing — but it is not, Chamisa is just an autocrat, who wants to impose his will on the people.

Democracy is the tyranny of the majority, some wise man once said. It is governance for the people by the people. The young man believes he is an anointed leader, as if the MDC Alliance is a kingship, a monarchy. During that party’s anniversar­y celebratio­ns at Gwanzura Stadium, Chamisa warned his would-be challenger­s at congress that he had not yet finished the job he claimed he was given by Tsvangirai, hence, they should not contest him. Recently, he told his challenger­s that there was “no vacancy” for his post during a thank you rally in Chinhoyi. His blue-eyed boy, Morgen Komichi, echoed this sentiment, warning all challenger­s that Chamisa should not be contested at the delayed congress.

The democracy deficit in the MDC Alliance is epitomised by the undemocrat­ic and autocratic action by Chamisa to single-handedly veto the election of mayors in Mutare, Masvingo, Victoria Falls and Bulawayo, where his appointees were defeated. Such manifest interferen­ce with the will of the people in those local authoritie­s is an unimaginab­le attack on democracy by Chamisa.

Cognisant of the foregoing parallel trajectori­es that the pro-democracy Government of President Mnangagwa is taking, and the anti-democracy route being pursued by Chamisa, one can safely conclude that the biggest impediment to democracy in Zimbabwe at the moment is the MDC Alliance. It is the responsibi­lity of the media and civil society to rail against Chamisa’s undemocrat­ic actions, which are a threat to democracy. Opposition politics does not have to be undemocrat­ic, rather, it should be a teaser, an appetiser of the type of governance the opposition is going to offer, if ever it is elected into office. At this rate, Chamisa is proving to be a nemesis of democracy.

 ??  ?? Former Chipangano leader Jim Kunaka testifies before the Motlanthe Commission on Wednesday
Former Chipangano leader Jim Kunaka testifies before the Motlanthe Commission on Wednesday
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