The Herald (Zimbabwe)

The Marriages Bill 2019

Stealth matrimony and colonial continuiti­es

- David T. Hofisi Correspond­ent

These are institutio­ns in which people regard themselves as married though they have not undergone the formalitie­s of marriage. The parties consider themselves married and this is evident from their conduct and their verbal claims. This is not recognised as a form of marriage in Zimbabwe.

THE Marriages Bill was published in the Government Gazette of July 19 2019. Some of its provisions are in fulfilment of a Constituti­onal Court ruling prohibitin­g child marriages. Other provisions have been more controvers­ial. Section 40 introduces the institutio­n of civil partnershi­ps which is arguably a new and radically different form of marriage. This post defines basic terms before discussing the contents of Section 40 of the Bill.

1. What is a marriage? A marriage is a publicly recognised romantic union. It entails exclusive rights to intimacy, fidelity, support and co-habitation. Public recognitio­n sets this union apart from others, making it enforceabl­e against third parties through civil suits. Traditiona­lly, recognitio­n of a marital union was contingent on agreement between the families. Ceremonial rites were held to secure consent of the parties and endorsemen­t of the families.

The advent of colonialis­m reduced the significan­ce of this custom. It was superseded by European or general law and its preference for formalism and legality. The civil marriage became the highest form of marriage, solemnised in the European institutio­ns of the church and courts of law. African customary marriages were only recognised upon registrati­on. The overwhelmi­ng prepondera­nce of marriages remained unregister­ed and in this way, the majority of black Africans were alienated from the legal protection­s of marriage.

This hierarchy of marriages was maintained after independen­ce. The aptly named white wedding secured full rights and recognitio­n of marriage, whilst customary law marriages were only recognised upon registrati­on. Activist judges gradually carved out spaces for recognitio­n of unregister­ed customary law unions and Parliament enacted laws recognisin­g unregister­ed customary law unions in the specific areas of guardiansh­ip, custody, status and the right of children to succession. In all other respects, the mere act of securing agreement of families by paying lobola was not recognised as a legal from of marriage.

2. What does the Marriages Bill say about marriage?

Rather tragically, the Marriages Bill does not achieve equality of marriages or marital

status. It further marginalis­es African custom and allows for colonial continuiti­es. Only two types of marriage are accorded recognitio­n and equality in the Bill. These are the same marriages which were recognised by the colonial regime; the civil marriage and the registered customary marriage. The unregister­ed customary law union remains excluded. It is only recognised in the limited circumstan­ce of guardiansh­ip, access, succession and status of children. Thus, the Bill entrenches colonial inequaliti­es and keeps marital protection­s beyond the reach of millions of Zimbabwean­s

3. What is a civil partnershi­p? A civil partnershi­p is generally understood as a union which provides marriage rights to groups legally prohibited from getting married. It is a marriage by another name. In the US, UK and South Africa, such partnershi­ps were establishe­d to provide same sex couples with the same rights as heterosexu­al couples. Such unions are based on consent of the parties. Any couple can submit itself to the formal process of registerin­g such a partnershi­p. It is not bestowed by a court of law upon dissolutio­n of such a relationsh­ip for instance.

4. What is a common law marriage? These are institutio­ns in which people regard themselves as married though they have not undergone the formalitie­s of marriage. The parties consider themselves married and this is evident from their conduct and their verbal claims. This is not recognised as a form of marriage in Zimbabwe.

5. What does the Marriages Bill say about civil partnershi­ps?

The Marriages Bill creates a strange new formulatio­n for civil partnershi­ps. It is not modelled for persons excluded from the right to marry. Rather, it selects aspects of civil partnershi­ps and common-law marriages from around the world to bolster the power of the State whilst ignoring the centrality of individual consent. For instance, Section 40 of the Bill empowers a court to declare the existence of a civil partnershi­p based on conduct of the parties in light of such factors as common residence and duration of the relationsh­ip. Yet the Bill makes no provision for assessing how the parties regard themselves, thus undercutti­ng individual volition in favour of Government over-reach.

Similarly, civil partnershi­ps share the lower status of civil unions globally, but the power to declare the existence of such a union is entirely in the hands of the courts. There is no scope for individual­s to enter or register civil partnershi­ps of their own accord. Such partnershi­ps will occur surreptiti­ously, even inadverten­tly, and will only be establishe­d upon dissolutio­n. This is the definition of a stealth marriage or marriage by ambush. As shall be demonstrat­ed below, this raises fundamenta­l constituti­onal questions.

If a court finds that a civil partnershi­p was in existence, the Matrimonia­l Causes Act becomes applicable for division of assets, maintenanc­e (including maintenanc­e of the spouse) and custody of children. In other words, for the purposes of division of assets, maintenanc­e and custody of children, the civil partnershi­p will be considered a marriage. This significan­tly diminishes the value of marriage since marital benefits accrue to unmarried persons who neither volunteere­d into such unions nor conducted any marriage rites.

6. Is the civil partnershi­p a type of marriage?

To a degree, the civil partnershi­p is a new type of marriage granted partial recognitio­n by law. As stated earlier, what sets marriage apart is public recognitio­n. The civil partnershi­p will be regarded as a marriage only for purposes of division of assets, maintenanc­e and custody of children. This is similar to the unregister­ed customary law union which is regarded as a marriage only for purposes of status, guardiansh­ip, custody and the rights of children to succession. They will both constitute marriages recognised in limited circumstan­ces.

There are several instances in which the bill reinforces this position:

a) Clause 40 of the memorandum to the Bill distinguis­hes civil partnershi­ps from proper marriages, thereby implying it is a marriage, but just of an improper nature; b) In the same clause, it states that Civil partnershi­ps are not recognised as marriages as defined under this Bill but for the purpose of realising justice between the parties to the partnershi­p in terms of the Matrimonia­l Causes Act [Chapter 5:13] upon the dissolutio­n of the relationsh­ip.

In other words, it is a marriage for purposes of establishi­ng rights upon dissolutio­n;

c) Clause 3 of the memorandum states that,

. . . the minimum age requiremen­t has been extended to unregister­ed customary law marriages and to civil partnershi­ps. This guards against attempts to sidestep the law by avoiding formal marriages and still have children being forced into relationsh­ips which are, to all intents and purposes, marriages.

In other words, the unregister­ed customary law union and the civil partnershi­p will be regarded as informal marriages;

d) The Bill frequently interchang­es the word union with marriage in respect of the unregister­ed customary law union, particular­ly in Clause 3 of the memorandum and Section 16 of the Bill.

This means there will four types of marriage in Zimbabwe. Two types of marriage will be formal, fully recognised and continue the colonial legacy of registrati­on as a requisite to recognitio­n. The other two will be informal and only recognised in limited circumstan­ces.

However, this does not render the unregister­ed customary law union identical to the mooted civil partnershi­p. The unregister­ed customary law union is contracted with consent of the parties in the presence of family members and is widely respected in both urban and rural communitie­s. The civil partnershi­p is not based on consent of the parties. It is decided in a court of law based on conduct and does not have societal approval.

The memorandum to the Bill goes as far as to equate the civil partnershi­p to common law marriages. That is egregiousl­y mistaken. The closest institutio­n to a common law marriage in Zimbabwe is the unregister­ed customary law union. Parties to that union regard themselves as married, represent themselves as such and only lack the formal act of registrati­on. The Bill is not concerned with this treasured national institutio­n and instead, focuses on a form of marriage with neither the individual consent nor societal approval in a tragic case of misplaced priorities. 7. Is the Marriages Bill constituti­onal? This Bill is unconstitu­tional in several ways. The marriage rights in Sections 78 and 26 (a) of the Constituti­on are based on individual consent. Matrimonia­l consequenc­es cannot be foisted without consent of the parties. Yet Section 40 of the Bill empowers a court to do exactly that. By an order of court, parties who never consented to marriage will be considered married upon dissolutio­n of their partnershi­p. This is contrary to Sections 26 and 78 of the Constituti­on.

The Bill also protects the rights of children and spouses upon the dissolutio­n of a civil partnershi­p. On the other hand, Section 26(d) of the Constituti­on requires the State to provide protection­s for couples at the dissolutio­n of marriage. There is no constituti­onal scope for protecting spouses at the dissolutio­n of any relationsh­ip that is not legally recognised as a marriage. ◆ Read the full article on www.herald.

co.zw

 ??  ?? During colonialis­m, civil marriages became the highest form of marriage, solemnised in Western institutio­ns, such as the church and magistrate­s’ courts
During colonialis­m, civil marriages became the highest form of marriage, solemnised in Western institutio­ns, such as the church and magistrate­s’ courts
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