The Sunday Mail (Zimbabwe)

A new Spanish Inquisitio­n is upon us

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had a multi-faith approach in respect of all major religions; that is Christiani­ty, Judaism, Hinduism, Islam and African Traditiona­l Religion.

The minister went on to say, “You will find that we have maintained the themes as carried in the old curriculum to the new curriculum and we can make it available for publicatio­n. We are not introducin­g Islamic studies. They were already there.”

The MP had a follow-up question: “Honourable Minister, you are talking of varying the curriculum; is the varying of the curriculum including introducti­on of Islamic studies and are you Muslim yourself?”

Dr Dokora responded thus, “I hold this rosary here, so whether I say one thing or another, you are fixated with what you have been reading and that may not necessaril­y be a fair invitation to a contestati­on here.

“If you were to look at the 1980 to 1987 curriculum, you will find that we have had a wide religious system in this country, we have had Judaism, Islam and all other religions in Zimbabwe. So we are not introducin­g anything, but just enlarging the sphere and scope of our education system.

“So, exactly where this question is coming from? Certainly not from the new curriculum; we are not introducin­g Islam, it has always been there just as Judaism.”

In July 2016, Dr Dokora had to make a similar public declaratio­n about his personal and private religious affinity and affiliatio­n following a campaign through social media by some Christians who were insisting that the minister was a Muslim.

Zimbabwe is a secular republic (Section 1 of the Constituti­on of 2013) and a constituti­onal democracy (Section 3(a)).

The State is based on: (1) common humanity, ie the recognitio­n of the inherent human dignity and worth of all human beings (Sections 3f, 48 and 51); (2) inalienabl­e human rights and freedoms (Section 3c and 49); and (3) the recognitio­n of the equality of all human beings (sections 3f and 56).

Section 60 of the Constituti­on guarantees the freedom of thought and conscience and the profession of views or lack of them.

Every person has the right to choose freely his/her position toward religion, has the right to profess a desired religious view or not to profess any religious view, to engage in religious ceremonies individual­ly or collective­ly with other citizens.

The humanity of those with religious persuasion­s and without is constituti­onally recognised and protected.

The right of freedom of thought and conscience is subject only to such restrictio­ns which are necessary to ensure: (1) public law and order; (2) public health; and (3) the defence of the reciprocal rights and freedoms of other citizens.

This means that all citizens are on the level in respect of rights and responsibi­lities arising out of the constituti­onally guaranteed freedom of conscience.

Have you noticed that ignorance and lack of economic developmen­t of the African is associated with lack of Christian civilisati­on? Have you checked the private school adverts that are based on this colonial lie peddled by good natives?

In his column of February 11, 2017, The Herald columnist Nathaniel Manheru made some interestin­g remarks.

“Stripped of all pretenses, the simple argument of which (is) being put forward (is) that the … Zimbabwean – a local variant of the archetypal colonial noble savage … (needs) to be saved and served by” the colonial privileges and advantages of Christiani­ty and Christians.

To conservati­ve Christians, learners in Zimbabwe should never learn or hear about indigenous spirituali­ty of Africans and the attendant customs and traditions.

There is confession to be Christian even if there is no practicing. This allows Zimbabwe to be considered a Christian nation or predominan­tly of Christians.

This further justifies (1) compulsory public school assembly Christian prayers, (2) use of the Bible for public swearings, (3) predominan­ce of Christiani­ty in public affairs, and in Religious and Moral Studies, (4) recognitio­n of only Christian events and observance­s as national public holidays and (5) chaplaincy in the security services (army, police and prison services).

From this hateful thinking, Dr Dokora has “been framed as a failure, congenital national failure”.

The Speaker of the House of Assembly did not protect Dr Dokora from an inquisitor­ial and abusive question. None of the members of the House present stood up against the abuse of a Government minister by a legislator in a secular republic for the interests of a specific religion.

When the assembly of the representa­tives of the people of Zimbabwe can become so inquisitor­ial, can we have confidence in our institutio­ns?

What has personal and private religious affinity, affiliatio­n and practices to do with being a minister in the Republic of Zimbabwe? shingaindo­ro@gmail. @shingaiRnd­oro.

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