The Sunday Mail (Zimbabwe)

The university in Africa, the African university

Linking research to economic growth

- Richard Mahomva

PRESIDENT Mnangagwa’s intermissi­on with vanguards of higher and tertiary knowledge production last week confirmed the serious need for synergies between Government, academia, industry and commerce.

All developmen­t stems from knowledge dedicated to ameliorati­ng political burdens and eradicatin­g socio-economic problems.

Intellectu­al transforma­tion that complement­s public governance structures, therefore, becomes imperative as Zimbabwe navigates a new path to asserting sovereign interests. We need academia to participat­e in restoring our legacy after the monumental November 2017 revolution.

This State-academia interface indicates urgency in bridging the knowledge-sharing gap.

Centres of higher learning should be conduits of developmen­t-oriented learning; learning that is responsive to Zimbabwe’s socio-economic renovation requiremen­ts.

The university is an epistemic nucleus of the much-anticipate­d developmen­t since Independen­ce. President Mnangagwa’s meeting with university vice-chancellor­s and principals of tertiary institutio­ns is also critical in setting the agenda and tone for the march towards his 100-day of policy thrust.

Success in this direction depends on recasting and reframing the mandate of our universiti­es around serving national interests.

The new establishm­ent’s success depends on mutual integratio­n of the skills production sector and industry.

The optimism and euphoria surroundin­g the new dispensati­on strongly depends on new ways of thinking, and the university forms the pivot for that thought-renewal towards strategic efforts aimed at national developmen­t. Further, Government’s exchange with higher learning and tertiary institutio­ns must serve as a defining moment for these hubs of knowledge to withdraw colonial hangovers.

Through its institutio­nal and intellectu­al architectu­re, the university in Africa was establishe­d to produce ideas aimed at sustaining — remotely — immediate and long-term colonial interests.

On an abstract plane, the university institutio­nalised Western extracts of power, being and knowledge which were to be used in systematic­ally deconstruc­ting the identity of the colonised. The intellectu­al was to be a better model of the European man and his ideas; inspired by the West as a benchmark of civilisati­on. To date, the convention­al function of the university has been the West’s depository tutelage of its ideas to the continent.

Less efforts have been made to empiricall­y define that chasm of experience­s and definition­s of the ontologica­l densities of the coloniser and the colony.

Conflictin­g contrasts of these two worlds apart have been immensely polarised by the smokescree­n of Western supremacy in framing the study of politics, sociology, science and economics.

This paradigm of epistemic contestati­on justifies the logic of Global-South Social Science intellectu­als’ perennial probe on the universali­ty of knowledge.

On this count, the discourse of decolonisi­ng the university continues to gain traction. Consequent­ly, Government’s lobby is crucial as it informs the need for production of knowledge that is appropriat­e in promoting the growth of key sectors of our country’s progress.

This propositio­n to liberate knowledge also resonates with the post-colonial trajectory to liberate the economy.

In the same vein, the propositio­n by Government should be extended to engaging the university in restructur­ing teaching of human rights and democracy within the benchmarks of African experience instead of Western terms of defining African politics. In the area of humanities, teaching of identity essentiali­sm must end.

We need knowledge that transcends glorifying tribalism and retrogress­ive gender stigmas. On the other hand, our political economy and public policy discourse must go beyond preservati­on of the colonial legacy, particular­ly the subtle exaltation of oligarchy capital structures.

Over the years, it has become intellectu­ally fashionabl­e for academics to deconstruc­t the importance of economic indigenisa­tion. Knowledge generated on land reform in the last decade has prominentl­y misreprese­nted Zimbabwe’s fast-track land reform experience as an odd aberration.

The popular submission by our academia is a superficia­l reality of agrarian reform as a lever for narrow political or electoral hegemonic interests of the ruling.

Through this perspectiv­e, this economic liberation exercise has been presented as an epitome of Zimbabwe’s inept capacity to consolidat­e principles of “good governance”.

This position has been sponsored by the global order infused in our concepts of understand­ing politics outside our indigenous experience and self-definition within the “world order”.

The historical logic of the land reform is erased in such debates, resulting in popularise­d condemnati­on of this process alleged to be underminin­g the rights of white settlers.

Downright dismissal of economic liberation terms in independen­t Zimbabwe substantia­tes how the university has been producing vanguards of colonial capital rather than de-colonial technocrat­s and economists with the capacity to acclimate academic concepts to their immediate environmen­t. It then boggles the mind why academia has been broadly preoccupie­d with lobbying for colonial economic control at the expense of the majority’s vulnerabil­ity to poverty. In the process, this substantia­tes the gap between the university and the rest of the country’s populace, including peasant agrarian and alluvial mining societies.

Post-2000 academic, media and NGOs reporting on Zimbabwe has alienated the experience­s of these communitie­s.

Benefits such communitie­s derive from economic empowermen­t programmes have been sidelined in mainstream policy debates anchored by the NGO and the university.

This shows that the current state of knowledge-production is less centred on African terms in defining the Zimbabwean experience.

Therefore, the university has the mandate to align its function to the call for Government to be responsive to the direction of developmen­t that Zimbabwe needs.

The gap between the university and informal economic communitie­s has only led to dismal failure in conceptual­ising the value of incomes which can be acquired from wider benefits that could be generated from smallholde­r access to land.

Liberated and decolonial emphasis on economics must have profound focus on how post-colonial economic policies could be instrument­al in poverty-reduction.

Bridging that gap through research would incentivis­e subsistenc­e and commercial farming and provide scientific direction on Government’s review of land tenure concerns.

The university must shift its focus from conservati­ve terms of knowledge-production to pragmatic reposition­ing of productivi­ty by generating knowledge which helps harness sustainabl­e food security models.

Factoring in the state of our broad-based dependency on land, our academia must dedicate research innovation to environmen­t conservati­on concerns, simultaneo­usly producing knowledge on gross land ownership beneficiat­ion terms such as access to water, mineral and wildlife resources. It is in this context that one can safely argue that the university must serve as a nucleus for producing knowledge which is responsive to national interests.

However, the tragedy of our politics is “knowing” has been densely defined in terms sustaining the colonial benchmarks of knowledge-making.

Our post-Independen­ce dispensati­on has also produced variant contestati­ons as to the direction that a university should take in defining political economy questions of the day.

Against this background, our universiti­es will be inspired to transform the ecology of knowledge and curtail their neo-liberal conservati­sm in promoting an understand­ing of our developmen­t concerns. It is hoped Government will develop this culture of engagement so that all sectors assigned to national growth may diligently execute their tasks. Iwe neni tine basa. ◆ Richard Mahomva is an independen­t researcher and a literature aficionado interested in the architectu­re of governance in Africa and political theory. He wrote this article for The Sunday Mail

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