The Sunday Mail (Zimbabwe)

Sino-British joint declaratio­n, Hong Kong’s security law

- Huo Zhengxin

ON May 28, 2020, the National People’s Congress (NPC) of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) approved a decision to establish and improve the legal system and enforcemen­t mechanisms for the Hong Kong Special Administra­tive Region (HKSAR) to safeguard national security.

Though the decision states clearly that it aims to uphold and improve the “One Country, Two Systems” policy, some Western countries, represente­d by the G7 (group of seven leading industrial­ised nations), expressed their “grave concern” and alleged that China’s decision to impose the National Security Law on the HKSAR “lies in direct conflict with its internatio­nal obligation­s under the principles of the legally-binding, UN-registered Sino-British Joint Declaratio­n”.

The European Parliament went even further by adopting a resolution calling for the European Union (EU) to bring China to the Internatio­nal Court of Justice, accusing it of violating the Joint Declaratio­n.

Is the Joint Declaratio­n relevant to National Security Law in HKSAR? Does China’s decision to impose the law on the HKSAR violate the instrument?

Paragraph two proclaimed that the United Kingdom (UK) would hand over Hong Kong to China on July 1, 1997. Paragraph three set forth the basic policies of China regarding Hong Kong in 12 subparagra­phs. The policies set out here further elaborated by the Chinese government in Annex I, paragraphs four to six, and Annex II and III, stipulate arrangemen­ts during the transition­al period.

Paragraphs seven and eight are about the Joint Declaratio­n’s implementa­tion and entry into force. My analysis is that after the smooth transfer of sovereignt­y of Hong Kong from the UK to China on July 1, 1997, the eight paragraphs contained in the declaratio­n were all fulfilled.

Therefore, after the execution of all paragraphs of the Joint Declaratio­n, the UK has no sovereignt­y, jurisdicti­on or “right of supervisio­n” over Hong Kong any more.

The UK alleges that China’s decision to enact a National Security Law for Hong Kong is in conflict with the Joint Declaratio­n, however, it fails to explain persuasive­ly why such a decision violates China’s obligation under the instrument, nor is it able to elaborate which obligation or obligation­s is/are breached by the decision in question.

On the contrary, a careful reading of the Joint Declaratio­n can lead to the conclusion that there exists no direct legal obstacle for China to impose this new law on the HKSAR as long as the law does not contradict China’s basic policies regarding Hong Kong set out in paragraph three and Annex I.

If fact, as the law is still in the process of legislatio­n, whose draft has yet to be finalised, the UK’s unsubstant­iated allegation may be compared to a “presumptio­n of guilt”.

It has to be stressed that the US has no right to supervise the implementa­tion of the Joint Declaratio­n, nor is it entitled to interfere with Hong Kong affairs.

The maxim, pacta tertiis nec nocent nec prosunt (a treaty binds the parties and only the parties; it does not create obligation­s for a third state) expresses the fundamenta­l principle that a treaty applies only between the parties to it. Therefore, the US does not, and should not, have the right to monitor the implementa­tion of the Joint Declaratio­n to which it is not a party.

Moreover, as the prohibitio­n of interventi­on is a corollary of every state’s right to sovereignt­y, territoria­l integrity and political independen­ce, the US is not allowed by internatio­nal law to interfere with Hong Kong affairs. Some Western countries also argue that the Basic Law of the HKSAR is a product of the Sino-British Joint Declaratio­n, in other words, the former is the legal basis or source of the latter.

However, such an argument does not hold water.

The constituti­on of the PRC makes it clear that the charter itself is the legal basis for the establishm­ent of special administra­tive regions and the formulatio­n of the Basic Law of the HKSAR.

The current constituti­on of the PRC was enacted in 1982, two years prior to the conclusion of the Joint Declaratio­n.

Article 31 of the constituti­on provides that: “The state may establish special administra­tive regions when necessary. The systems to be instituted in special administra­tive regions shall be prescribed by law enacted by the National People’s Congress in the light of specific conditions.”

The Joint Declaratio­n itself proclaims that the constituti­on of the PRC is the legal basis for the Basic Law of the HKSAR. The Chinese government elaborates the basic policies of China regarding Hong Kong in Annex I where it pronounces unambitiou­sly that: “The National People’s Congress of the People’s Republic of China shall enact and promulgate a Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administra­tive Region of the People’s Republic of China in accordance with the constituti­on of the People’s Republic of China.”

Lastly, the Basic Law of the HKSAR affirms that the constituti­on of the PRC is its legal basis, as the last paragraph of its preamble states that: “In accordance with the constituti­on of the People’s Republic of China, the National People’s Congress hereby enacts the Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administra­tive Region of the People’s Republic of China.”

Therefore, it is the constituti­on of the PRC, rather than the Joint Declaratio­n, that forms the legal basis for the establishm­ent of special administra­tive regions and the formulatio­n of the Basic Law of the Hong Kong SAR.

After a systematic examinatio­n of the above issues relating to the Joint Declaratio­n in terms of internatio­nal law, the questions raised at the beginning of the article can now be answered in a definite manner: the Joint Declaratio­n is not relevant to the National Security Law in Hong Kong. Foreign countries are not entitled to interfere with China’s decision to impose the National Security Law on the HKSAR on the grounds of the Joint Declaratio­n.

Huo Zhengxin is a professor of law at China University of Political Science and Law. The article reflects the author’s opinions.

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