The Sunday Mail (Zimbabwe)

Integrity of Parliament under threat

- Lincoln Towindo

THE Portfolio Committee on Justice, Legal and Parliament­ary Affairs last week tabled its report on the public hearings on Constituti­on of Zimbabwe Amendment No.2 Bill before Parliament.

Public hearings are an essential part of lawmaking that involve an extensive consultati­on process across the country’s 10 provinces through public hearings consisting of written and oral submission­s.

The hearings are a key stage that ensures citizen involvemen­t in a crucial Parliament­ary process and serve to bolster our democratic credential­s.

They make lawmaking inclusive rather than exclusiona­ry or elitist.

Reports from this process can be used to measure the public’s sentiment towards any proposed law while the public can also propose amendments for the House to consider.

Now, the report on the Constituti­onal Amendment Bill made for some curious reading.

According to the report, most submission­s from the hearings were generally adverse and against most of the 27 proposed amendments.

What made the submission­s curious was their likeness to the adversaria­l positions taken by Civil Society Organisati­ons (CSOs) when the Bill was gazetted late last year.

It is important to note here that Government and most CSOs have had an antagonist­ic relationsh­ip for years now. It is, therefore, no surprise that there was general antipathy to the Amendment Bill from CSO quarters.

Unsurprisi­ngly, the committee made rather disconcert­ing observatio­ns regarding the participat­ion of CSOs in the hearings.

“However, the committee observed that there were members of CSOs who were moving from venue to venue replaying the same points and advancing the same arguments, thereby making it difficult to conclude whether these were general views or influenced views,” said the committee in its report.

“It was also apparent that the general public was not adequately conscienti­sed on the contents of the Bill.”

This is a very serious allegation which should not be taken lightly.

If indeed CSOs interfered with this crucial Parliament­ary process to influence the outcome of the public hearings, then we have a big problem on our hands.

This interferen­ce represents a threat to the integrity of the House’s processes and the Bills passed there from. You know something is wrong when such a sacrosanct process can be manipulate­d by a few Non-Government­al Organisati­ons (NGOs) whose agendas are unknown and to the detriment of true citizen participat­ion.

CSOs in Zimbabwe

It is an open secret that Government and CSOs are generally antagonist­ic.

Government has often accused some NGOs of fronting foreign agendas and working with foreign government­s to effect regime change.

On the other hand, NGOs argue that they are watchdogs who are working to curb Government excesses.

It is public knowledge that the source of funding for most CSOs is not domestic, hence Government’s apprehensi­ve and hostile posture.

There were over 1 000 NGOs registered in Zimbabwe in 2018, working across a range of areas including humanitari­an aid, service organisati­ons and political governance.

Questions have been asked about the high number of NGOs operating in Zimbabwe compared to its peer nations.

Comparativ­ely, Zambia, which has a similar population profile to Zimbabwe’s, has just over 400 NGOs registered with their government.

Registerin­g an NGO is, in general terms, an easy undertakin­g locally.

NGOs are registered under the Private and Voluntary Organisati­ons Act through the Department of Social Welfare under the Ministry of Public Service, Labour and Social Welfare.

As a result of the ease with which one can register an NGO, they have proliferat­ed over the years and their areas of focus have also evolved.

In the 1980s, the general focus was around women empowermen­t and income-generating projects, but they soon shifted to poverty alleviatio­n and the environmen­t in the 1990s before turning largely to human rights and constituti­onalism at the turn of the millennium.

The emergence, post-2000, of foreign funders with deep pockets, has consequent­ly led to further crowding of the sector.

It is this crowding that has irked authoritie­s who have accused the majority of NGOs of deviating from their mandate and meddling in opposition politics.

Last year Government embarked on an audit of more than 700 NGOs, amid concerns that most were meddling in politics.

“We are working well with some PVOs, but there are some briefcase NGOs, those that do not stick to their mandate,” said Deputy Labour Minister Lovemore Matuke.

“They get registered on the basis of what they spell out to Government and once they are registered they do not stick to their mandate. We have another category of PVOs that have since ceased to be visible on the ground, we are also looking at all that in our 100-day cycle.

“Another category of PVOs are those that mobilise resources and channel them through humanitari­an aid only in constituen­cies controlled by the opposition.”

Government has also mooted amending the PVO Act to allow for stricter monitoring of NGOs and full disclosure of their ownership structure and funding. These measures and more should now be put into law to curb the excesses of some delinquent NGOs.

This, however, is not a call for the muzzling and censorship of PVOs, not at all.

CSOs are a key pillar for any democracy and they should be given adequate room to operate and hold the State to account when need be. However, when we have NGOs surreptiti­ously manipulati­ng democratic processes as what is alleged to have happened during the public hearings, then authoritie­s should not shirk from wielding the sword.

Parliament­ary processes should be protected from undue influence and if this means de-registerin­g the offending CSOs, after due legal processes, so be it. PRINTED AND DISTRIBUTE­D BY PRESSREADE­R PressReade­r.com +1 604 278 4604 . ORIGINAL COPY . ORIGINAL COPY . ORIGINAL COPY . ORIGINAL COPY . ORIGINAL COPY ORIGINAL COPY COPYRIGHT AND PROTECTED BY APPLICABLE LAW

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