The Sunday Mail (Zimbabwe)

Africa’s chance to dictate its own terms

- And Nikolai Hegertun is a PhD student at Centre for Developmen­t and the Environmen­t at the University of Oslo (Norway). He is co-authored this article with Prof Dan Banik, who is a professor of political science, director of the Oslo Initiative, and host

THERE are growing signs that the aid relationsh­ip between the Global South and the Global North is changing fast.

Many traditiona­l Western donors are re-evaluating the role of aid while keeping a close eye on their own national interests.

These changes may not be all bad. Since the turn of the century, aid policies have become both complex and fragmented.

Four major internatio­nal developmen­t policies and goal-setting projects were launched in 2015 alone.

These are the Paris Agreement, the Addis Ababa Action Agenda on Financing for Developmen­t, the Sendai Framework for Disaster Risk Reduction and the 2030 Agenda for Sustainabl­e Developmen­t.

The global developmen­t agenda now includes multiple goals on poverty reduction, economic growth, the environmen­t and climate change.

This unpreceden­ted internatio­nal policy overload is radically altering the aid landscape.

As the world’s most developed countries craft a new narrative that more strongly links aid to climate change and humanitari­an crises, African countries can tip the balance in their favour.

This can provide an opportunit­y to shape the future of North-South relations.

Less talk of rich-poor country

There has been less talk of the richpoor dichotomy since the introducti­on of the ambitious Sustainabl­e Developmen­t Goals ( SDGs) in 2015.

Indeed, the developmen­t goals have strengthen­ed the narrative that the responsibi­lity for achieving sustainabl­e developmen­t applies to all countries.

Although each country may face distinct challenges, the inter-connectedn­ess of global progress means that we are all in the same boat.

Many African countries have engaged in South-South cooperatio­n with major powers like China and India.

In building large infrastruc­ture projects, China highlights its impressive achievemen­ts in lifting over half a billion people out of poverty.

India showcases the successes of its green revolution and advances in informatio­n and communicat­ions technology and affordable healthcare.

Both countries also flaunt their ability to develop affordable, available and adaptable technology and their establishe­d track record of solving developmen­tal challenges.

With the growing global economic power and influence of China, India and other middle-income countries, developmen­t diplomacy is being reconstitu­ted.

The UK has often in the past shown a soft spot for its former colonies and been hailed as a generous and innovative global leader.

But it is now also openly touting the national interest.

The UK-Africa Summit held in January 2020 was an attempt to advance new initiative­s and commercial partnershi­ps with the continent.

And there is considerab­le uncertaint­y on the extent to which Nordic generosity of tying aid with “soft power” is compatible with maintainin­g a well-funded welfare state and achieving policy coherence on sustainabl­e developmen­t.

The climate crisis has made it abundantly clear that the oil producing and generous aid providers like Norway cannot “lead” the global developmen­t agenda without undertakin­g bold initiative­s at home.

It is not just the West but also other actors that are showing interest in Africa.

Russia has launched a major strategy to open “a new page” and make the whole continent a foreign policy priority.

Africa is thus attracting renewed global interest and rivalry among world powers.

Some even warn of a “new scramble for Africa involving major and emerging powers who are all vying for the continent’s attention.

Although aid flows may decrease over time, there is now more interest in boosting trade and investment­s.

The key question for us is how African countries can use this growing interest to their advantage.

Three major challenges

We identify three broad sets of concerns as African states become entangled in new and rejuvenate­d relationsh­ips with major world powers.

The first relates to fears of rising debt. Internatio­nal scholars and organisati­ons have argued that a renewed commitment to debt relief should be a top priority for the internatio­nal community.

Concession­al loans and foreign expertise have been used to build expensive infrastruc­ture projects that African countries cannot afford.

Recent political debates in Zambia and Nigeria illustrate the growing concern over repaying debts to China.

There are also concerns over the environmen­tal and financial costs of Russian activities on the continent.

The willingnes­s of Western powers to provide debt relief is also under question.

The second relates to the increasing­ly tense US-China relations.

Paired with this is the lack of commitment to democratic principles in some of the countries that are seeking closer ties with Africa.

The Global North believes that the activities of China, Russia and others will weaken efforts to promote and strengthen good governance and liberal values.

An illustrati­ve example is the feud between Russia and China on the one hand and the African group of three within the UN Security Council.

While the three – Côte d’Ivoire, Equatorial Guinea and South Africa – sought a strong council backing for civilian rule following President Omar al-Bashir’s ouster in April 2019 the two permanent members demurred.

Kenya has shown that it can take a tough stance against both the China.

It recently rebuffed US efforts to boycott Huawei and highlighte­d the poor quality of medical equipment it had imported from China.

A third area of concern is greater uncertaint­y on the benefits of continued globalisat­ion.

The political turmoil in the US and parts of Europe has strengthen­ed the voice of those arguing for the primacy of the national interest in political decision-making.

One evident result has been the Trump administra­tion’s reduced support for multilater­al organisati­ons.

Another is the 20 percent cut in the UK’s aid budget.

The wave of refugees into Europe in 2015 also contribute­d to an inward-looking mentality in many countries.

The result was a reallocati­on of aid budgets to cover in-donor costs of housing refugees.

There was also more explicit alignment of aid with national interests such as commercial and security concerns.

How African leaders address these three overarchin­g sets of concerns will greatly determine the future availabili­ty of developmen­t finance on the continent.

US

Renegotiat­e the terms

A more explicit emphasis on the national interest may encourage donor countries to play “the long game” in Africa.

Ambitious foreign policy priorities and innovative developmen­t programmes may even achieve cross-political support from taxpayers in parts of Europe where aid policy is contentiou­s.

But increased emphasis on the national interest also exposes the seemingly altruistic “donor-recipient” relationsh­ip.

Courting closer ties with Africa will not simply be about bringing gifts, but also expecting reciprocit­y in some form.

But Western critiques of Beijing’s Belt and Road Initiative will ring hollow in the absence of viable and state-led alternativ­es from the West.

Historical­ly, many African states have had to accept the policy conditiona­lity of donor alliances.

There is now a unique opportunit­y to demand what Africa needs.

This is the moment to play external actors off against each other.

The continent’s major economies must also take steps to enable smaller countries to be more assertive. With a diverse field of competing world powers involved, and in asserting its own developmen­t vision, African unity and coordinati­on is of utmost importance.

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