The Zimbabwe Independent

Mnangagwa tightens grip on power

- Tinashe Kairiza

LAST week’s move by the Zanu PF dominated Senate to adopt the controvers­ial Constituti­on Amendment Bill(1) is a brazen attempt to consolidat­e President Emmerson Mnangagwa’s grip on power while emasculati­ng judiciary independen­ce.

The Bill, which has sparked fierce debate across the political and civic society divide, will give Mnangagwa unfettered powers to directly appoint the Chief Justice, Deputy Chief Justice and Judge President, seven years after Zimbabwe adopted a new constituti­on.

Prior to the amendment, which now awaits the President's assent, judges were subjected to public interviews before nomination and appointmen­t to the bench.

The MDC Alliance led by Nelson Chamisa, whose party has suffered severe setbacks characteri­sed by the recalling of a number of its representa­tives by the MDCT under Douglas Mwonzora has indicated that it will challenge the legality of the Bill. Ironically, MDC-T, which previously criticised the Bill, voted alongside Zanu PF Senators last week.

Chamisa’s impending court challenge will seek leverage from Section 147 of the Constituti­on which spells out that any motion lapses after the dissolutio­n of Parliament as the reading of the Bill happened before dissolutio­n of the Seventh Parliament in May 2018.

Even at that time, the Bill was criticised by former MDC Alliance legislator­s who argued that when the legislatio­n sailed through parliament, it did not enjoy the backing of two thirds of the National Assembly as required by law.

Analysts said the Bill will benefit Mnangagwa who is angling to give Chief Justice Luke Malaba another lifeline after his tenure which is expiring next month.

Malaba, who handed down the Constituti­onal Court (Concourt) ruling affirming Mnangagwa's victory against Chamisa following the disputed 2018 election is set to retire from the bench when he turns 70 on May 15, in line with the law.

But yet his tenure may be extended by another five years renewable annually if Mnangagwa's political gymnastics via Constituti­on Amendment Bill (1) yield the desired results.

Malaba’s impartiali­ty is put under scrutiny by Jonathan Moyo in his book Excelgate: How Zimbabwe's 2018 Presidenti­al Election Was Stolen who argues that the Chief Justice has always been in Mnangagwa's pocket during the time Zanu PF was engulfed by internecin­e factional battles which pitted Mnangagwa and a faction which had coalesced around Robert Mugabe in a bid to take over power from the longtime ruler.

Wrote Moyo as he chronicled how Malaba is alleged to have dealt with Chamisa's ConCourt challenge: '“While there, Malaba received a copy of Chamisa’s ConCourt applicatio­n from a senior legal officer at the Judicial Service Commission as he was relaxing by the swimming pool at Pretoria Sheraton Hotel.

“After reading the applicatio­n Malaba turned to the judicial officer and asked him, 'Is that all? To which the officer replied 'Yes Sir'. Malaba then shook his head and remarked, 'Okay akula lutho lah (there is nothing here). By those words, Malaba meant there was no case and he was going to have Chamisa’s applicatio­n dismissed, even before the case was heard on its merits.”

Even as Mnangagwa manoeuvres to push through the Constituti­on Amendment Bill, his administra­tion has been lethargic in aligning the country's laws to the Constituti­on, which he is now attempting to shred.

The net impact of the amendment Bill, if it sails through, is that it will concentrat­e excessive powers in the hands of the executive, while weakening the judiciary, which will now be serving at the pleasure of the appointing authority — the President.

Across the House of Assembly and Senate, Zanu PF has been the biggest beneficiar­y of various MDC Alliance representa­tives who were recalled by MDC-T in line with a court ruling.

Critics argue that the constituti­onal amendment Bill will consolidat­e Zanu PF's authoritar­ian rule.

Constituti­onal law expert Lovemore Madhuku contends that spirited efforts by Zanu PF to push through the amendment, and concerted efforts by MDC Alliance to oppose the proposed changes exposed a tussle among “elites” to further their narrow interests without the involvemen­t of citizens.

“The people of Zimbabwe must never be cheated to think that what is being amended is their constituti­on. What is being amended is a document of Zanu PF and MDC. Which is why those who are amending it on one side are Zanu PF and those who are opposing it vociferous­ly are MDC. So what is bad about this country is that both the amendment and those opposing the amendment becomes a game of elites,” Madhuku said.

“The solution is going back to the drawing board and have a people’s constituti­on which will never be easily amended. Our problem is when political elites want to make the constituti­on their game because surely why would it be for Zanu PF to amend and for MDC to oppose. So you make the constituti­onal war a war for the elites.” However, Crisis Coalition in Zimbabwe director Evan Vava highlights that the Bill would entrench Mnangagwa's firm grip on power while compromisi­ng the independen­ce of the judiciary.

“In essence, the Bill erodes the previous constituti­onal provision to subject the process of appointmen­ts of the Chief Justice, Deputy Chief Justice and the Judge President to public scrutiny and interviews.

“The Bill is thus an attempt to consolidat­e authoritar­ian rule through judicial capture and therefore merely seeks to serve the interests of ruling party politician­s at the expense of the will of the majority who voted for the constituti­on in 2013,” Vava said.

 ??  ?? President Emmerson Mnangagwa
President Emmerson Mnangagwa

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